Palestinian Beauty, late 19th Century

Palestinian Beauty, Bethlehem Traditional dress. late 19th Century
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| Home About Us Search Intifada | Last updated: Friday January 05th, 2007 | sections |
Thursday January 04, 2007 |
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By Jonathan Cook
The official political leadership of Israel's more than one million Palestinian citizens issued a manifesto in Nazareth last week demanding a raft of changes to end the systematic discrimination exercised against non-Jews by the state since its creation nearly six decades ago.
Included in the manifesto -- the first ever produced by the community's supreme political body, known as the High Follow-Up Committee -- are calls for Israel to be reformed from a Jewish state that privileges its Jewish majority into "a state of all its citizens" and for sweeping changes to a national system of land control designed to exclude Palestinian citizens from influence.
The document is likely to further increase tensions between the Israeli government and the country's Palestinian minority, and has already been roundly condemned in the Hebrew media.
Although individual Arab political parties have made similar criticisms of the state before, it is the first time in its history that the High Follow-Up Committee -- a cautious and conservative body, mainly comprising the heads of Arab local authorities -- has dared to speak out. The committee is seen as setting the consensus for Israel's one in five citizens who are Palestinian.
The most contentious issue raised in the document, called "The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel", is Israel's status as a Jewish state. The authors -- leading academics and community activists -- argue that Israel is not a democracy but an "ethnocracy" similar to Turkey, Sri Lanka and the Baltic states.
Instead, says the manifesto, Israel must become a "consensual democracy" enabling Palestinian citizens "to be fully active in the decision-making process and guarantee our individual and collective civil, historic and national rights."
An editorial in Israel's liberal Haaretz newspaper denounced the document as "undermining the Jewish character of the state" and argued that it was likely its publication would "actually weaken the standing of Arabs in Israel instead of strengthening it".
The campaign among Israel's Arab parties for a state of all its citizens began in the mid-1990s after it was widely understood that under the terms of the Oslo Accords Israel's Palestinian population would remain citizens of the State of Israel. Until then the minority had kept largely out of the debate about its future, fearing that expressing a view would prejudice negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian leadership.
The demand for a state of all its citizens has wide backing among the Palestinian minority: a recent survey by the Mada Al-Carmel Centre revealed that 90 per cent believed a Jewish state could not guarantee them equality, and 61 per cent objected to Israel's self-definition.
However, Israeli prime ministers, including Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon, have always characterised the call for a state of all its citizens as tantamount to sedition. In a speech last week, Avigdor Lieberman, the new minister of strategic threats, repeated a similar line, telling policy-makers in Washington: "he who is not ready to recognise Israel as a Jewish and Zionist state cannot be a citizen in the country."
As well as highlighting the various spheres of life in which Palestinian citizens are discriminated against, the manifesto makes several key demands that are certain to fall on stony ground.
The High Follow-Up Committee argues that the Palestinian minority must be given "institutional self-rule in the field of education, culture and religion". Israeli officials have always refused to countenance such forms of autonomy. Instead, the separate and grossly under-funded Arab education system is overseen by Jewish officials; the status of the Arabic language is at an all-time low; and the government regularly interferes in the appointment of Muslim and Christian clerics, as well as controlling the running of their places of worship and providing almost no budget for non-Jewish religious services.
The manifesto also demands that Israel "acknowledge responsibility for the Palestinian Nakba " -- the catastrophic dispossession of the Palestinian people during Israel's establishment in 1948 -- and "consider paying compensation for its Palestinian citizens".
As many as one in four Palestinian citizens are internal refugees from the war, and referred to as "present absentees" by the Israeli authorities. They were stripped of their homes, possessions and bank accounts inside Israel, even though they remained citizens. Most homes were either later destroyed by the army or reallocated to Jewish citizens.
An internal government memorandum leaked several years ago showed that most of the internal refugees' money, supposedly held in trust by a state official known as the Custodian of Absentee Property, had disappeared and could no longer be traced.
Another controversial demand is for a radical overhaul of the system of land policy and planning in Israel, described in the manifesto as "the most sensitive issue" between Palestinian citizens and their state. Israel has nationalised 93 per cent of the territory inside its vague borders, holding it in trust not for its citizens but for the Jewish people worldwide. The land can be leased, but usually only to Jews.
Israel's Palestinian citizens, on the other hand, are restricted to about three per cent of the land, although they do not control much of the area nominally in their possession. Gerrymandering of municipal boundaries means that Arab local authorities have been stripped of jurisdiction over half of their areas, which have been effectively handed over to Jewish regional councils.
The manifesto calls for an end to other discriminatory land practices: the exclusion of Palestinian citizens from planning committees; the refusal of such committees to issue house- building permits to Palestinian citizens; the enforcement of house demolitions only against Palestinian citizens; and the continuing harmful interference by international Zionist organisations, particularly the Jewish Agency and the Jewish National Fund, in Israel's land and planning system.
The chairman of the High Follow-Up Committee, Shawki Khatib, said: "We've already seen the reality of which the Arab public says to the Jewish public, 'I want to live together, and I really mean it', but the Jewish public has still not reached the same conclusion. This document is a preliminary spark. Its importance is not in its publishing, but in what happens after it."
The High Follow-Up Committee was established in 1982, in the wake of Land Day in 1976 when six unarmed Palestinian citizens were shot dead by Israeli security forces during demonstrations against a wave of land confiscations by the state to advance its official goal of "Judaising" the Galilee.
The Follow-Up Committee has lost much of its status over the past decade, widely seen as too unwieldy a body to represent the Palestinian minority's needs effectively. Members, drawn from the heads of local authorities and major Israeli Arab organisations and parties, do not have to submit to direct election and reach their decisions through consensus, which has often paralysed the committee into inaction. The manifesto is viewed as an attempt to reassert the committee's authority.
In recent years Arab political factions have called for direct elections to the Follow-Up Committee, but the Israeli government has intimated that it would consider an Arab "parliament" as an attempt at secession and react harshly.
In a related development, the Mossawa advocacy centre presented a position paper at a conference in Nazareth this month, arguing that internal refugees should be allowed to return to villages that existed before 1948. "The move by refugees of 1948 to their villages will not change the demographic balance or endanger the Jews," said Jafar Farah, head of Mossawa. "Unlike the [Palestinian] refugees in Arab states, we are [already] here."
-Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His book, “Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish and Democratic State” is recently published by Pluto Press. His website is www.jkcook.net
| January 6, 2007 |
| Israel's Bad Influence |
| by Charley Reese |
| Scott Ritter, a former U.N. arms inspector in Iraq, has written a book, Target Iran, in which he accuses the Israeli government and its American lobby of pushing the U.S. into attacking Iran. Ritter writes, "Let there be no doubt: If there is an American war with Iran, it is a war that was made in Israel." He accuses some members of the lobby of dual loyalty and urges that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee be required to register as a foreign agent. He also blasts the Israeli lobby for its use of the Holocaust and for crying anti-Semite every time Israel is criticized. "This is a sickening trend that must be ended," he writes. By coincidence, an Israeli general has verified everything Ritter says. According to an article published in Today.az on Jan. 2, Israeli Brig. Gen. Oded Tira published a statement urging an all-out effort by Israel and its lobby to push a U.S. attack on Iran. "President Bush lacks the political power to attack Iran," the general is quoted as saying. "As an American strike in Iran is essential for our existence, we must help him pave the way by lobbying the Democratic Party (which is conducting itself foolishly) and U.S. newspaper editors. We need to do this in order to turn the Iran issue to a bipartisan one and unrelated to the Iraq failure." The general urges the Israeli lobby to turn to Hillary Clinton and other potential presidential candidates in the Democratic Party so that they support immediate action by Bush against Iran. The lobby must also approach the Europeans, he adds, so Bush won't find himself isolated, and he calls for Israel to "clandestinely cooperate with Saudi Arabia so that it also persuades the U.S. to strike Iran." As Ritter says, a U.S. war in Iran will be a war made in Israel. Of course, Israel's American supporters, most of whom are ignorant of nuclear energy, ignorant of the history of Israel and ignorant of the people in the Middle East, will trot out their usual specious arguments. But let's lay out the undeniable facts. Israel considers Iran its main threat. Israel wants a U.S. attack against Iran. The Israeli lobby does what the Israeli government tells it to do. Anybody who claims the Israeli lobby is just another lobby is either ignorant or lying. The Israeli lobby is the second most, if not the most, powerful lobby in America. So, sit back and watch the Israeli amen corner start the propaganda to push America to war with Iran just as it did in the case of Iraq. It will try to have you believe that Iran can make nuclear weapons as easily as baking cakes. The truth is that even if Iran decided to seek nuclear weapons, the Iranians are a good 10 years away from having any. The truth is that Iran, even if it had nuclear weapons, is no threat to the U.S. All of which reminds me of my favorite undiplomatic comment by a diplomat. Some time ago at a private party in London, the French ambassador said of Israel, "Why does the world put up with such a sh*tty little country causing so much trouble?" Outraged British Zionists demanded his recall, but the French government ignored them. Sooner or later, Americans are going to wake up to the fact that Israel's influence on the American government is detrimental. If Israel wants a war with Iran, let the Israelis fight it. Of course, seeing how poorly they did against Hezbollah, I suspect that the Israelis, despite their public threats, would not choose to fight the Iranians. In my opinion, Americans who want American youth to die and bleed for the benefit of a foreign country are guilty of more than dual loyalty. |
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Dear Annie,
Please read the following article by John Whitebeck, the title of the Article is: "Israel's Rights to Exist"
Now that the Palestinian civil war long sought by Israel, the U.S. and the EU appears on the verge of breaking out, it may be timely to examine the justification put forward by Israel, the U.S. and the EU for their collective punishment of the Palestinian people in retaliation for their having made the "wrong" choice in last January's democratic election -- the refusal of Hamas to "recognize Israel" or to "recognize Israel's existence" or to "recognize Israel's right to exist".
These three verbal formulations have been used by media, politicians and even diplomats interchangeably, as though they mean the same thing. They do not.
"Recognizing
"Recognizing
"Recognizing
There is an enormous difference between "recognizing
To demand that Palestinians recognize "
Some believe that Yasser Arafat did concede the point in order to buy his ticket out of the wilderness of demonization and earn the right to be lectured directly by the Americans. In fact, in his famous statement in
The original conception of the formulation "Israel's right to exist" and of its utility as an excuse for not talking to any Palestinian leadership which still stood up for the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people are attributed to Henry Kissinger, the grand master of diplomatic cynicism. There can be little doubt that those states which still employ this formulation do so in full consciousness of what it entails, morally and psychologically, for the Palestinian people and for the same cynical purpose -- as a roadblock against any progress toward peace and justice in Israel/Palestine and as a way of helping to buy more time for Israel to create more "facts on the ground" while blaming the Palestinians for their own suffering.
However, many private citizens of good will and decent values may well be taken in by the surface simplicity of the words "Israel's right to exist" (and even more easily by the other two shorthand formulations) into believing that they constitute a self-evidently reasonable demand and that refusing such a reasonable demand must represent perversity (or a "terrorist ideology") rather than a need to cling to their self-respect and dignity as full-fledged human beings which is deeply felt and thoroughly understandable in the hearts and minds of a long-abused people who have been stripped of almost everything else that makes life worth living. That this is so is evidenced by polls showing that the percentage of the Palestinian population which approves of Hamas' steadfastness in refusing to bow to this humiliating demand by their enemies, notwithstanding the intensity of the economic pain and suffering inflicted on them by the Israeli and Western siege, substantially exceeds the percentage of the population which voted for Hamas in January.
It may not be too late to focus decent minds around the world on the grotesque and fundamental immorality of this demand and of the bizarre verbal formulation on which it is based, whose use and abuse have already caused so much misery and threaten to cause more.
Regards,
ThePencil.Org Palestine Newsletter Team

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The fact that Jimmy Carter is allowed to appear on the mainstream media and mention Israel and apartheid in the same sentence is something of a miracle, and represents a sea change in the representation of Israel in the United States (of course, as I’ve mentioned before, this comparison is unfair . . . to the white South Africans).
Until recently, you’d be more likely to see hard-core porn on the American mainstream media than you would be able to obtain a smidgeon of truth about Israel. Now that the American Establishment – you know, the guys Noam says rule the world – have belatedly awakened to the fact that they are on the verge of losing trillions of dollars due to American official support for the racist tribal policies of the Zionists who run Israel and have taken over the American government, the taboo on truth about Israel has been ordered to be at least partially lifted.
Will Carter’s book, “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid”, become the “Uncle Tom's Cabin” of the Palestinian people? It is commonly acknowledged now that the American Civil War was fought primarily for economic reasons, while justified on the moral grounds of eliminating slavery....more

Carlos Latuff


Its better than a purple heart in battle, as this man did not have to do anything to save the young man who fell onto the subway tracks. Mr. Autrey's valiant behavior is greedily sucked up by a media and a country thirsting for simplicity, honesty, and goodness. It deserves to be be front page news. Bravo Wesley Autrey!
In what might be perhaps considered a prescient eulogy, BBC's correspondent from Jerusalem, Katya Adler (already noted as a highly impartial reporter) practically goes gaga over the memory of Ariel Sharon. Evoking a bizarre sense of nostalgia upon this one-year anniversary of Arik's transition into purgatory, I can hardly keep up with my welling tears as Ms. Adler fawns over the "sleeping giant." "It is regarded by many Israelis as annus horribilis" she somberly expands. Heavens forbid we allow the current scandals of Israeli politicians to overshadow the tranquility of the past; oh such tranquil times as warrior Sharon's savagery on Arab villages from El-Bureig in 1951 and Qibya in 1953 to Sabra and Shatila in 1982; the provocation at Haram Al-Sharif leading to the Al-Aksa Intifada of 2000; and of course Sharon's stellar financial reputation. Yes, the narrow sentiment to beatify Sharon are best summed up in this quote by Daniel Ben Simon who says: "We cannot know what would have happened had Sharon stayed with us. But one thing is sure, he became a father figure." A more accurate picture of who Ariel Sharon was (he is a vegetable now with most certainly an anus horibilis) can be read in a prehistoric editorial from 2001 at CounterPunch.
Is former Mayor of NY Rudy Giuliani being sacrificed by AIPAC in favor of McCain? Its a little sketchy that the highly-favored former mayor is now out of the 2008 race based on a "leak" from a stolen book. Guess whose money and clout are behind both Giuliani and McCain? Big-time GOP fundraiser Lew Eisenberg, who on his trip to Israel with George Bush in 1998 said: "I had no inkling he would one day lead a global coalition to conquer terrorism..." [source]
Perhaps the Israeli lobby feels that Israel, in an era of American militarism, is better off with the soldierly McCain rather than the beauraucratic Giuliani, although RG is higher ranked as a good-for-israel president on the Israel Factor ranking of US politicians.

Is Israel an apartheid state? Here are two pieces to answer this question. One is from and American professor, another from ex Israeli Minister of Education:
Truth at last, while breaking a U.S. taboo of criticizing Israel
By George Bisharat
Americans owe a debt to former President Jimmy Carter for speaking long hidden but vital truths. His book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid breaks the taboo barring criticism in the United States of Israel’s discriminatory treatment of Palestinians. Our government’s tacit acceptance of Israel’s unfair policies causes global hostility against us.
Israel’s friends have attacked Carter, a Nobel laureate who has worked tirelessly for Middle East peace, even raising the specter of anti-Semitism. Genuine anti-Semitism is abhorrent. But exploiting the term to quash legitimate criticism of another system of racial oppression, and to tarnish a principled man, is indefensible. Criticizing Israeli government policies - a staple in Israeli newspapers - is no more anti-Semitic than criticizing the Bush administration is anti-American....more
Another promised land?? (Italian original underneath)

Our Real Government Is in Israel 
Barbara Ferguson, Arab News***************************************
| Date posted: May 14, 2003 By MIFTAH | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In 1948 their homes were taken away; today they are still denied their Right of Return!
Then and Now
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The Palestine Sunbird
This bird is really known as the Palestine sunbird (scientific name: Nectarinia osea). Common throughout Palestine. 2004, Oil on Canvas ISMAIL SHAMMOUT (1930 - 2006 obituary by Haithem El-Zabri)
"The Olive Tree" (2005)
One of 19 murals in the series "Palestine: The Exodus and the Odyssey." (1997-2000)
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Architects of the Iraq war planned for many things that didn't happen and didn't plan for many things that did. One of the things that didn't happen, at least not right away, was a refugee crisis. In fact, from the fall of Saddam Hussein in early 2003 through 2005, about 300,000 Iraqis returned to their homeland from other countries.