Saturday, March 03, 2007

IRAQ: Sectarian violence shows no mercy to children

from BBS News

Stricter Border Controls Force Many Iraqi Refugees To Return Home

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IRAQ-JORDAN: New rules a 'death sentence' for Iraqis

BBSNews 2007-03-01 - AMMAN, (IRIN) -- Iraqis fleeing their country's sectarian violence are finding it much harder to get into Jordan and Syria, after the authorities in these countries recently began implementing much stricter border controls.

Women and children are the most vulnerable among the refugees at Karama border.
Women and children are the most vulnerable among the refugees at Karama border.

Image Courtesy: © Maria Font de Matas/IRIN

For the image shown above in a larger size, see Women and children are the most vulnerable among the refugees at Karama border.

More BBSNews images are available in BBSNews Photos.

Jordan and Syria have been the only of Iraq's neighbours to open their doors to the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis on the move. The United Nations Refugee Agency estimates that there are up to 700,000 Iraqi refugees in Jordan and from 500,000 to one million in Syria.

Other countries which share borders with Iraq - such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Turkey and Iran - have allowed very few Iraqis in.

Now, with new entry conditions in place in Jordan and Syria, tens of thousands of refugees are stranded on Iraq's borders and families are being divided according to their age and the type of passport they hold.

"My brothers were told that their passports were forged and were sent back to Baghdad. I do not know what will happen to them. It is no longer safe there because Shia groups attack people on the spot," said Mohammad Qadiri, who comes from the troubled, mostly Sunni Al Adhamya neighbourhood of Baghdad. He arrived in Amman with his wife and two sons on Wednesday after enduring a painstaking trip on a hazardous desert road.

To enter Jordan, Iraqi refugees must be aged over 40 or less than 20, must prove that they have sufficient funds to support themselves while staying in the kingdom and, most importantly, must hold a new 'G' generation passport.

There are no official figures on the number of Iraqis who have been denied entry to Jordan, but a Jordanian interior ministry official who spoke on condition of anonymity said more than half of those who attempted to enter had been denied.

Officials at the Karamah border post, 250km east of Amman and where Qadiri crossed through to Jordan, said they did not to recognize his brothers' passports as the they were from the older 'S' series.

The 'S' generation of passports were issued by the Iraqi authorities upon the collapse of former President Saddam Hussein's government in 2003. However, they were recently cancelled on the grounds that they could be easily forged.

Now, Iraqis wishing to leave their country, or go abroad from Jordan, must have the new 'G' series, which, made in Germany, are much harder to forge as they involve the taking of iris scans, thumbprints, and personal signatures.

But the new passports are said to be very difficult to get hold of, not least because the Iraqi Ministry of Interior is allegedly controlled by Shia militia.

Bribes for passports

"Those who can make it to the ministry unharmed must first cough up a large amount of money as a bribe to get their documents approved," said Qadiri, who had to pay US $2,000 to get a passport.

"People who follow the usual procedures must queue in long lines, become vulnerable to suicide attacks and wait for months to obtain their passports," he added.

The new Jordanian restrictions also affect those Iraqi refugees who are already in the kingdom. Jordan's interior ministry said it will no longer renew residency permits for those holding the 'S' generation passports. These new measures will be implemented as of next week.

The Jordanian official said the new measures were part of a security strategy to prevent the infiltration of terrorists into the kingdom.

"Let's not forget that those who blew themselves up in the hotels in 2005 carried fake passports," said the official. "Now we have to be careful about who we let in our country because we do not want another tragedy."

On 9 November, 2005, at least 60 people were killed and nearly 100 injured when three Iraqis blew themselves up in three hotels in Amman.

In addition to security concerns, Jordanian officials have said they can no longer handle the influx of refugees without international assistance. Last month, the Jordanian government said it will start a nationwide survey to determine the number of Iraqis in the country and their influence on the already fragile economy.

Iraqis in Jordan now face an uncertain future as they scramble to get new passports. An Iraqi embassy official in Amman told IRIN on Thursday that the Iraqi government plans to provide the embassy with 10 'G' generation passports a week. But the embassy is facing an almost impossible task in meeting the needs of more than 700,000 Iraqis, the majority of whom hold the older version of passports.

"We tried to persuade Jordanian officials to delay the implementation of the law until we can renew all the passports of Iraqis but they refused," said the Iraqi embassy official.

As a result of these new measures, many Iraqis will be forced to return to their country in order to get the right passports and then attempt to re-enter Jordan.

Human rights activist Cathy Breen, who has been engaged in a number of aid programmes for the Iraqi community in Amman, said sending Iraqis back to Baghdad to get new passports is like sentencing them to death. She said those who return have no guarantee that they would be allowed to re-enter Jordan.

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Many Iraqi Children Dying of Sectarian Violence

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IRAQ: Sectarian violence shows no mercy to children

BBSNews 2007-03-01 - BAGHDAD, (IRIN) -- The United Nations and NGOs have strongly condemned the continued apparent targeting of children in Iraq's bloody sectarian violence.

A child injured during the last offensive in al-Qaim.
A child injured during the last offensive in al-Qaim.

Image Courtesy: © Afif Sarhan/IRIN

For the image shown above in a larger size, see A child injured during the last offensive in al-Qaim.

More BBSNews images are available in BBSNews Photos.

The latest mass killing of children occurred on Tuesday when, according to Iraqi state television, 18 boys were killed by a car bomb in the Sunni insurgent stronghold of Ramadi, capital of Anbar province and some 155 km west of Baghdad. The boys were getting ready to play football.

It was not immediately known if the children were the intended targets in the Ramadi bombings, but it would not be the first time that children were killed playing football in Iraq. Last August, 12 boys and young men were blown apart on a football pitch in Baghdad.

Hundreds if not thousands of Iraqi children have been killed, either directly or indirectly, since the US-led invasion of the country began in 2003.

In July 2005, a suicide bombing in Baghdad killed 27 people, including 18 children and an US soldier.

On 25 February, more than 40 people, mostly college students, were killed by a female suicide bomber outside a mostly Shia college in Baghdad.

On Tuesday, the UN children's agency (UNICEF) called for priority attention to be paid to the needs of Iraqi children, saying the "loss of so many innocent children is unacceptable".

"Iraq's recreational areas, as well as its schools, must be respected and protected as safe havens where children can play and learn without fear," Roger Wright, UNICEF Representative for Iraq, said in a statement.

"Children's lives, health and psychological well-being are increasingly suffering as a result of Iraq's ongoing conflict and displacement," Wright added. "Protecting and supporting Iraqi children must be the first responsibility of everyone, no matter what the circumstances."

Cedric Turlan, information officer for the NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq (NCCI), told IRIN he was saddened by the recent bombing of young boys and hoped that the children were not the intended targets although "whether they were the targets or not doesn't change the terrible result".

"In central Iraq, all Iraqis are vulnerable and affected by the violence and the humanitarian crisis today. Unfortunately, among the affected population, the more fragile are often also the most vulnerable.

"Everybody - Iraqis and the international community - should stand to denounce this violence and should work to protect the rights of the affected population, particularly children," Turlan added

We also target civilians ...& more from IMEU

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The Guardian

Poet and writer Ibtisam Barakat
IMEU

Apartheid looks like this
Jonathan Cook, Al-Ahram Weekly

The Institute for Middle East Understanding provides journalists with quick access to information about Palestine and the Palestinians, as well as expert sources, both in the U.S. and the Middle East. Need story assistance? Contact us. New to the issue? See our Background Briefings.


FROM THE MEDIA
U.S. group arranges medical care for Palestinian children
San Francisco Chronicle (Mar 3, 2007)

The aftermath of the latest Nablus raid
Palestine News Network (Mar 3, 2007)

Call to ease Palestinian boycott
The Independent (Mar 3, 2007)

Abdullah: Israel must choose 'fortress' or peace
Associated Press (Mar 3, 2007)

Palestinian factions delay submitting cabinet list
Reuters (Mar 2, 2007)

U.S., Israeli officials meet on renewing foreign aid package
Haaretz (Mar 2, 2007)

We also target civilians
Idan Landau, Ynet News (Mar 2, 2007)

Ashrawi tells UK opposition leader that the int'l siege must end
Maan News (Mar 2, 2007)

19 injured at Bil'in anti-wall protest
IMEMC (Mar 2, 2007)

Hints of change in language of Hamas



Mar 3, 2007

During recent press conferences, Hamas' Khaled Meshaal appeared keen to adopt a new language of compromise - indeed, he reiterated the acceptance by Hamas of the idea of a Palestinian state on the pre-1967 borders.


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KABOBfest: Spring Time In Palestine

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Posted in Israel/Palestine

From Gaza, with Love: Living with uncertainty - thank you Mr. Olmert for making my life difficult and different

Saturday, March 03, 2007

Living with uncertainty - thank you Mr. Olmert for making my life difficult and different

Sunday 24th of February
Two months ago I was invited by Trocaire in Ireland to lecture in some places, about the situation for women in conflict areas, and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which relates to womens safety and security. With the Trocaire invitation letter, and through efforts by (Hemocade) Defence of Individuals Rights in Israel, I was promised a travel permit, via Eritz checkpoint, North of Gaza.
10am
Permit was not approved by the Israelis so I unpacked my suitcase. Sondos was let down but not surprised because in Gaza we always expect the worst and we are always forced to accept the abnormalities as the normal pattern of life under occupation....more

The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine ...& more from This Week in Palestine March 2007




Issue No.
107, March 2007




The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine


By Ilan Pappe
Oneworld Publications Limited, Oxford, 2006, 313 pages, $27.50



The 1948 Palestine-Israel War is known to Israelis as ‘The War of Independence,’ but for Palestinians it will forever be the Nakba, the ‘catastrophe.’

Since the Holocaust, it has been almost impossible to hide large-scale crimes against humanity. In this age of mass communication, few modern catastrophes are concealed from the public eye. And yet, as Ilan Pappe unveils, one such crime has been erased from the global public memory: the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in 1948. But why is it denied, and by whom? The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine offers an investigation of this mystery.

Alongside the creation of the State of Israel, the end of the war led to one of the largest forced migrations in modern history. Around a million people were expelled from their homes at gunpoint, civilians were massacred, and hundreds of Palestinian villages were deliberately destroyed. Though the truth about the mass expulsion has been systematically distorted and suppressed, had it taken place in the twenty-first century it could only have been called ‘ethnic cleansing.’

In his new book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, prominent Israeli academic Pappe argues passionately that the denial of international recognition for this tragedy, and the refusal to allow the Palestinians the right to return to their homeland excludes from the peace process the essential foundation for a lasting peace in the Middle East and beyond. His groundbreaking and controversial work sheds new light on the origins and development of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, asking questions that the world has so far failed to ask to reveal the real story behind the events of 1948. Based on meticulous research, including recently declassified Israeli archival material, Dr. Pappe’s vivid and timely account demonstrates conclusively that ‘transfer’ - a euphemism for ethnic cleansing - was from the start an integral part of a carefully planned strategy, and lies at the root of today’s ongoing conflict in the Middle East.

The book contains a chronological list of key dates, starting with the first Zionist agricultural colony in Palestine in 1878 and ending with the events of 1949. It has maps detailing the partition of Palestine in its various stages and some telling photographs of Palestinian refugees fleeing their towns and villages, and of villages that were completely wiped out and on whose terrain Israeli towns now stand.

Ilan Pappe is an Israeli historian and senior lecturer of Political Science at Haifa University. He is also Academic Director of the Research Institute for Peace at Givat Haviva, and Chair of the Emil Touma Institute for Palestinian Studies, Haifa. He is the author of a number of books, including A History of Modern Palestine, The Modern Middle East and The Israel/Palestine Question.


(Courtesy of the publisher)

Theme: Nablus Under the Spotlight
Cover photo: Alaa' Badarneh -
Traditional soap factory in
the old city of Nablus

Photos: Palestine Image Bank /
TURBO Design
Printed by Studio Alpha, Al-Ram, Jerusalem
Binding by Al-Asdika', Al-Ram, Jerusalem



Nablus Under the Spotlight Cover | Forthcoming Issues

















Picturesque Palestine



Nablus Clock Tower - Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh

The Heart of Nablus: Nine Thousand Years and More … A Revitalisation Plan for the Old City By Dr. Shadia Touqan

Photo by Ruba Anabtawi
Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh
Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh
Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh
Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh
Photo by Alaa’ Badarneh

The Heart of Nablus: Nine Thousand Years and More … A Revitalisation Plan for the Old City
By Dr. Shadia Touqan

Nablus, ‘Neopolis’ the Pearl of the North-carrying thousands of years of Palestinian history and the imprints of layers of civilizations in and around its historic core-embraces in its small area all the elements and remains of cultural heritage found scattered all over the region. A luxury seldom found in one place.

The old city of Nablus today may not have retained the most spectacular visible monuments seen in nearby historic cities such as Jerusalem, Damascus, Aleppo, or Cairo. However, and in spite of a series of natural and man-made disasters that destroyed the city fabric many times over throughout the centuries, its dense architectural fabric, dynamic urban spaces, narrow streets and alleyways, and distinctive stone facades tell thousands of stories about its rich and diverse history.

The hidden beauty of the old city of Nablus lies more in its horizontally and vertically linked internal spaces, its carefully carved wooden and stone details, its lush gardens and fountains rather than its glamorous decorated entrances and exteriors. Its physical beauty is low-key, mysterious, and somehow cunning.

Once you arrive at the centre of Nablus, you immediately recognize the invisible borders of the old city. Concealed behind modern facades and commercial clutter, the many entry-points to its narrow streets draw you to the labyrinth of alleyways and footpaths that encircle its famous harat (such as Al Qaryoun, Al Yasmineh), historic landmarks, exceptional khans and souqs, and amazing lifestyle.

These modest, discreet entrances-gates leading to one of the most fabulous and exciting historic cities in the region-are also a sign, albeit accidental, of the physical integration of the historic core of Nablus with the rest of the city. No sign, no direction, no grand sense of arrival but an invitation, a nudge, and wink to a journey of discovery.

Walk the narrow and the not-so-narrow streets, and you will only be a few steps inside the heart of the old city, where a different world unfolds. Throbbing, beating, this heart echoes the loud pulse of the Nabulsis buying and selling their meat and vegetables, spices and pulses, sweets and bread, cloths and kitchenware-Nabulsis going to work in any of the various workshops, schools, shops. This is the place where you can buy your soap, take a bath, make your cloths, mend your shoes, or buy your furniture.

Historically, Nablus has always been a key centre for trade-locally, regionally, and internationally. During the peak of the cotton trade, it played a leading part in the export of this once-important local produce to Europe. Over the centuries, it also played a major political role with various external powers.

The old city has five main commercial streets. Its spine, Al Nasr Street, connects it to the east and west sides of the expanded modern city, with parallel and connecting smaller streets that complement its exceptional khans. In spite of the current recession, the streets, lanes, and souqs are still rich with merchandise, busy with shoppers, and buzzing with life.

Surrounded by densely populated residential quarters, there are 12 historic mosques in the old city (built or rebuilt during the Omari, Ayyubid, or Ottoman eras), two churches and a Samaritan synagogue, in addition to a number of mazarat, maqamat, and zawaya. Traditionally known for natural soap-making from olive oil, the old city contains over 20 soap factories. Some are still in use, others are abandoned, and sadly, three were devastated during the Israeli invasion in 2002. Of its eight traditional hammams, only two are in use.

This incredible wealth and history has given Nablus (what is now known as the old city) the strength, resilience, and pride that seeps through to all the new parts of the expanded city.

The population of the old city today is approximately 20,000. Most of the original residents of the historic core moved out gradually since the earthquake of 1927 and, as in many historic cities in the region, the wealthier groups of the society moved out and were replaced by poorer groups from the periphery. Nevertheless, soon the newcomers blended with the local social fabric, and after a few decades they now form the majority of the old city community and rightly claim it as their own. The Nabulsi inhabitants of the old city, regardless of their backgrounds and origins, still form a dynamic and lively community.

The original residents and those from more modern and affluent parts of Nablus continue to visit and use the old city weekly, if not daily. The strong relation between Nabulsis and their historic city goes beyond the visits and the functional needs and is more an attachment to their roots, identity, and self.

Telling the story of al balad al qadema (the old city), one cannot ignore the sadness and grief suffered daily by the Nabulsis in and around the old city, especially in the last few years. The recent wilful destruction of many valuable historic houses and monuments as a result of indiscriminate shelling and bombing from land and air to the historic core, shocked not only the foundations of its urban fabric, but the hearts, feelings, and dreams of the inhabitants. The destruction still continues in varying degrees of fierceness.

Nevertheless, with true Nabulsi resilience and spirit, the crowds re-gather in the old streets and squares after every assault to reclaim their beloved and beautiful, but scarred, city.

The preservation of the historic buildings and cultural heritage of the old city of Nablus should go deeper than the conservation of the physical appearances and the use of stone and mortar. The protection and restoration of this valuable historic envelope should be matched with social and economic revitalization, the revival of traditions, and the celebration of a special way of life.

The planner, the architect, the conserver, and the politician should join their efforts first to understand how the old city works and what economic role it plays in the life of Nablus as a whole-its social structure, housing conditions, and unique characteristics and needs.

The restoration and rehabilitation of the historic buildings, housing as well as monuments and public spaces, should only be the tool to protect the heritage but, most important, it should aim to effect a change and improvement in not only the physical fabric but also the living conditions of residents and to create an environment that will attract investors and visitors without ignoring or marginalizing the inhabitants. The planner will observe who is using the city and whom it attracts. Above all, professionals should listen to the community (residents inside and outside the old city) to learn about their perceptions of the old city and their dreams, while studying its potential for visitors and shoppers outside Nablus’ borders.

To plan to protect al balad al qadema is to plan to weave back the broken threads and mend the holes in this exquisite rug. To plan to revitalize is to put back the pattern, the texture, the colour, and the spirit into the original creation.

Dr. Shadia Touqan is an architect/urban planner and the Director of the Welfare Association’s Old City of Jerusalem Revitalisation Programme.

Based on the philosophy outlined above, the Welfare Association, in coordination and consultation with the Nablus Municipality and the Local Committee, approached the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development to support the preparation of a comprehensive revitalization plan for the old city of Nablus based on extensive research, sectoral studies, and surveys. The preparation of the Plan will take over two years and will involve the participation of local experts from all fields of development.
http://www.thisweekinpalestine.com/details.php?id=2074&ed=138&edid=138

Life Prevails...

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Ismail Shammout
"Life Prevails," 1999

A project for student artists in BeitLahem (Bethlehem)

Palestinian Art of the 20th century

by Samia A. Halaby

To be conducted at The International Center of BeitLahem
In cooperation with Faten Nastas Mitwasi, Art Coordinator

Project supplaments addressed to student artists: Part II


Artists of Palestine 48

36. 37.

36. Zahed Izat Harash, "Questions," 1998. Oil on canvas, 120 x 90 cm.
37. Zahed I. Harash, "Women and Harvest," 2000. Ink on paper, 29.5 x 42 cm.

38. 39.

28. Ahmad Kanaan, "What About Coexistence," 1995. Wood, steel, and rope, 5 x 2 x 4 meters.
29. Ahmad Kanaan, "Harvester," 2000. Steel, 70 x 50 x 30 cm.

40. 41.

40. Khalil Rayan, "Barrakiyat," 1971. Etching 1/10, 34.5 x 50 cm.
41. Khalil Rayan, "Al Quds at Night," 1988. Oil on canvas, 102 x 107 cm.

42.

42. Abdul Tamam, "Harvest Them," 1999. Ink on paper, 21 x 30 cm.

43. 44.

43. Abdul Tamam, untitled, 1996. Oil on canvas, 80 x 100 cm. approx.
44. Abdul Tamam, untitled, 1996. Oil on canvas, 100 x 80 cm approx.

45. 46.

45. Osama Said, "Observers," 1988. Oil on canvas, 140 x 160 cm.
46. Osama Said, "Remains of Massacre," 1991. Oil on canvas, 145 x 97 cm.

Palestinina Artists in Exile

47.

47. Ismail Shammout, "Life Prevails," 1999. Laser print on canvas, 68.5 x 84.5 cm.

48. 49.

48. Tamam Al Akhal, "Scent of Return," 1994. Oil on canvas, 80 x 100 cm.
49. Tamam Al Akhal, "Shoshona Occupies My Home," 1988. Oil on canvas. 50 x 60 cm approx.

Carter

President Jimmy Carter's book "Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid" is now available at Palestine Online Store! This book has been the center of enormous controversy in the United States and the target of attacks by pro-Israel extremists. Click here for more info, including our say about it, and a special bundle offer with "The Iron Wall" - the film recommended by Pres. Carter.


Palestine Refuges A Nation and a People before May 15, 1948

History in Brief

Form of Government in Palestine pre-May 15, 1948

United Nations Resolution to Divide Palestine - UN Resolution 181

Population of Palestine pre-May 15, 1948

Population of Palestine after May 15, 1948

Cities and towns of Palestine pre-May 15, 1948

Cities and towns destroyed by Israel since 1948

United Nations resolution on Palestine refugees - UN Resolution 194 III

Where do the displaced Palestinians live now

Palestine Refugees News:

Edited by: Mohammad R. Oweis

PALESTINIAN REFUGEES –

Bearers of Peace in the Middle East

The right of return of Palestinian refugees to their homes in their historic land of Palestine is the only guarantee for peace in the Middle East. The right of return is an issue of rights that is not dependent on the generosity of the Israelis. The right of return is the right afforded to Palestinian refugees as members of the international community who are protected by international... [more...]

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Our flesh and their bones By Samah Jabr

Our flesh and their bones

By Samah Jabr*

Palestine Times of London/ March 2007

While driving me to the airport at 4 in the morning, my taxi driver showed some hesitance taking one street; he seemed confused and told me, “How tedious they are, those Israelis. They start by opening one street; if they find any Jewish bones, they stop. They cannot continue; their bones are so dear, it is disrespectful to touch them. They change the entire plan and open a new street.”

As soon as he finished, we were at Mode’en checkpoint separating the villages of Ramallah from the surrounding Israeli areas. There I saw the longest human line at a checkpoint. Several hundred dishevelled Palestinian men were waiting in a line shivering from the cold. “Those are labourers waiting for the checkpoint to open at 8 a.m. to go to work in Tel Aviv,” the driver tells me. That was our flesh stake; I’m haunted by such a scene.


At the airport, on my way to Boston to speak at MIT and Boston College on the topic of the ‘Occupation and the Mind,’ after a long interrogation and an exaggerated checking of my luggage, a security woman asked me to finally undress for a physical check-up. I argued that this procedure is not being done to others and that the machine is enough to detect any suspicious object I might be carrying on my body. The woman went to her supervisors and three of them came threatening that I would not be allowed to take the flight if I did not comply with the procedure. I was forced to comply, and I was angry; intellectualization is my defence mechanism in such events. I thought that she, having a job of discriminately undressing certain people, was in a worse position than me—having my flesh exposed for “security measures.”


I returned back to Palestine to observe an immediate reaction to the signing of the Mecca agreement by representatives of the Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and exiled Hamas political chief Khaled Misha’al, to form a national unity government; there were festivities among Palestinians, especially in Gaza, which suffered the worst events of internal violence.

The Palestinians are desperate for the government to come together smoothly and to succeed. The people hope that as well as bringing a halt to the fighting, the agreement will bring an end to a year-long international embargo against the Palestinians and ease the extreme living conditions in the West Bank and the other occupied territories.

But just because we hope does not mean that our hopes will come true. I personally find no reason to celebrate. Should we celebrate that we needed to go to Mecca to agree to stop killing each other? Forming a national government is old news for all of us; since the elections, Prime Minister Ismail Haniyyeh has been convincing people from other factions to join in the government, but they have shrugged their shoulders to him. Now that the regional political mood allows it, the Arab big brothers are pushing so that there is an agreement to a sharing of government posts. Still, there is no agreement on a governmental programme that leaves the door open for more conflicts. Moreover, the agreement does not tackle the causes of the violence in the Palestinian streets or prepare for a new kind of Palestinian leadership that can muster politics at an internal and a worldly level.

Just before people could express their cheer, the ominous signs came back. The Quartet said it would wait for the government to be formed before making its assessment. The U.S. was unimpressed. It is demanding an explicit statement of recognition of Israel. Israel and the United States have rebuffed the agreement; Israeli government spokeswoman Miri Eisin said the conditions for an end to the freeze had not changed.

Both Israel and the United States are not interested in peace; they are only interested in wasting time, hoping things can change to benefit their colonial projects in the region.

And the choice of Jerusalem at this moment was a strong enough answer to the symbolism of the meeting in Mecca, within sight of Islam's holiest place that has a profound meaning and effect for Muslims everywhere. Israel has the habit of giving such responses to Arab initiatives; remember their answer to the initiative of the Arab Summit in Beirut?

The very bones and stones in Jerusalem are political weapons in the age-old struggle for possession of the Holy Land. The current row over excavation work just outside one of the gates, the Maghrabi or Moors Gate, progressing to the compound of the Noble Sanctuary, the Haram, is evidence of that. Israel has always linked archaeology and politics. Especially after 1967, the Israelis made an intensive effort to dig into history to provide evidence that the Jews had been there and to use that as a pretext to their claimed right to still be there. "They were digging for God and country," as some of their leaders would say. Evidence of Jewish remains in the region of the Haram will be used as a pretext for the many who wait for the day when the Third Temple will rise on that site.

The reason for the protest does not really have much to do with archaeology, in fact. It is a protest about presence and control. The Palestinians and the wider Muslim world have an objection to anything the Israelis do that touches the Haram. Such work is seen as symbolizing a threat to Muslim identity and a rallying point for Palestinians to express their desire for their own space, their own State.

While for Palestinians, the United Nations and most of the world the Old City, which lies in East Jerusalem, is occupied territory, Israel arrogantly acts as if this landscape, without any other argument, is an undivided, eternal part of their capital. So the digging is one more colonial project, this time against a very sensitive place—the third holiest site in Islam—and at a very sensitive time. Palestinians are trying to pull themselves together to form a united front in their confrontation with Israel and the effort to end its occupation of their land.

So the embargo continues, because depriving us of basic needs is effective with respect to inciting fierce clashes that seem to be edging this society toward civil war. The roots of factional dispute are still there.

As for my work, we are back to striking since mid-February. The main gate of the Health Clinics in Ramallah is closed by 11 a.m. by the decision of the uni-factional-controlled worker’s syndicate. There is no option for those who oppose the strike to continue working after 11; so babies are left without vaccines, chronic patients without medications, etc, until somehow the government overcomes the embargo and pays us our salaries for the whole past year! If this condition were taking place in the Israeli community, the world would have cried: ‘Holocaust!’ Why? Because their ancient bones are deemed more important than our vibrant hearts and flesh.

The misery in Palestine fails to be a good enough ‘thriller’ for the people of the world who get, with time, more and more desensitized to human suffering. Our stories with regard to lack of jobs, food and medicine are regarded as ordinary news; nothing less than the images of Abu Ghreib or the film of the execution of Saddam or the cries of raped Iraqi women can reach the threshold of the Western human consciousness; maybe not even that. The more our exposure to man-made cruelty in this region, the more numb and apathetic we become in our safety zone. I wonder who among us is more dead than the other.

In this atmosphere, Israel promotes itself as a free and civilized nation. An Israeli newspaper report earlier in February explained how Israeli ecologists protest the Wall’s interference in the natural inbreeding of wild animals and advise constructing small holes in the wall to allow animals on the two sides of the Wall to meet. My mind goes to the thousands of Palestinians who the Wall prevents them from getting married to people outside their village or town because they cannot bear the difficulty of moving in and out or the constant threat of separation when the gates will eventually be closed. That is also one of the demands of human flesh.

In this total absence of a political horizon, and the extreme difficulties of everyday life, I feel that Israel is stealing our words, in addition to everything else, so that we will be silenced or radicalized.

Repeatedly you hear of Palestinians, but you do not hear them. Media reports typically slander their reputation, character, culture and religious principles, or treat them as mere statistics. Palestinians should at least exercise their right to speak for themselves.

Our challenge is to keep our discourse and our ability to communicate to tell the people that Palestinians are ordinary people who have arms and legs and flesh and blood and hearts and souls like everyone else. We are good and bad, smart and stupid like every other community. We are no better than any other nation, but, certainly, we are not worse than others, too. We hate sometimes and love so often; we have no wish to play the heroes of the victims on the stage of war; and like you, we want peace and dignity, too.

The flesh is demanding. It needs food, water, shelter, sleep and companionship. But the spirit also exists, even without meeting the needs of the flesh. We sometimes don’t recognize it until our flesh is humbled. The spirit is still high in Palestine. We can share, help a friend, appreciate honesty, love others without ulterior motives, seek fairness and desire a better world.


The Palestinians are generally spiritual; here the flesh does not rule! Deprive our flesh; our spirits will grow stronger and will turn our strife into glory, honour and peace—the peace of the spirits of those who truly believe.

*Samah Jabr is a psychiatrist living in Jerusalem.

Islamic-Christian committee for defending Jerusalem in action

Islamic-Christian committee for defending Jerusalem in action
http://www.kuna.net.kw/home/story.aspx?Language=en&DSNO=957571

REL-MIDEAST-JERUSALEM
Islamic-Christian committee for defending Jerusalem in action

RAMALLAH, March 3 (KUNA) -- A joint Islamic-Christian committee was formed for defending Jerusalem against Israel's judaisation process, it was announced here Saturday.

Chief Justice of Palestine Sheikh Taysir Al-Tamimi told newsmen that working against the judaisation of Jerusalem will go on after coordination among all institutes that allow concern for the affairs of Jerusalem.

Spokesman for the Roman Orthodox Church Atallah Hanna said there is need to join hands to rescue Jerusalem that embraces Islamic and Christian sanctities. (end) nq.

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KUNA 031702 Mar 07NNNN

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