Saturday, March 10, 2007

UN committee: Israel should let Palestinian refugees come back

UN committee: Israel should let Palestinian refugees come back
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/835444.html

By Yoav Stern

A United Nations committee has called on Israel to allow Palestinian refugees to return to their property and land in Israel and to ensure that the bodies responsible for distributing property, such as the Jewish National Fund, not discriminate against the Arab population.

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination made the recommendation in its concluding observations released Friday, in response to a report Israel submitted on the matter. Representatives of a number of human rights groups appeared before the committee, including Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, which presented objections to the official Israeli position.

The report recommends that Israel scrutinize its policy in a number of areas. Among them, it recommends that "the state party ensure that the definition of Israel as a Jewish nation state does not result in any systematic distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent or national or ethnic origin." The committee also said it "would welcome receiving more information on how [Israel] envisions the development of the national identity of all its citizens."

The committee's deliberations were made in the framework of overseeing the implementation by various countries of the provisions of the UN's International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. Israel has been a signatory to the convention since the late 1970s, and should submit a report every two years. However, it has not done so for nine years.

The appearence before the committee of the human rights organizations, which also included B'Tselem (the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories) and Ittijah (the Union of Arab Community Based Organizations in Israel), is part of an increasing trend to fight Israeli policies in international forums. Adalah said some of the information provided to the committee came from its international advocacy department assigned to UN committees.

The committee also noted positive developments, suchas the ministerial appointment of Raleb Majadele and the High Court decision to allow an Israeli Arab couple to buy land in a Jewish community.

Bombs Haunt Iraqi Children

Bombs Haunt Iraqi Children

Bombs haunt Iraqi children
BAGHDAD: Iraqi children are haunted by dreams of bad guys wielding knives or kidnapping relatives. For some, like 13-year-old Zaman, the nightmares become reality. She was abducted, beaten and threatened with rape.

“Zaman suffers from shaking, nervousness, a stutter and sleep disorder,” said Haider Abdul-Muhsin, a psychiatrist at Baghdad’s Ibn Rushd hospital who treats children suffering the consequences of war, four years after the US invasion.

Abdul-Muhsin said Zaman was abducted in Baghdad last month on her way home from school. Zaman was not at the hospital when Reuters visited, but Abdul-Muhsin said few children he had treated recently had affected him as much.

“An elderly woman asked her to help her carry some plastic bags across the road to find a taxi. While she was taking her bags back from Zaman, she grabbed her and forced her into the taxi. She anesthetized Zaman and tied her up,” he said.

The girl was held in a room with 15 other girls for seven hours before being released by police who raided the house.

“They beat her, they told her that they would send her to insurgents as a forced ’bride’,” Abdul-Muhsin said.

Four years of war and now sectarian chaos that threatens to tear Iraq apart has had an enormous impact on children.

Car bombs explode every day in Baghdad. Mortar bombs rain down on some neighbourhoods. Death squads roam the streets and kidnappings are rampant. Kicking a soccer ball around on the streets is like dicing with death.

There are no figures on the number of children killed in violence since US forces invaded in March 2003 and toppled Saddam Hussein—although the United Nations says 34,500 civilians were killed in violence last year in Iraq alone.

Big car bomb attacks at Baghdad’s markets often kill children. But even if they are not physically maimed, much of their pain comes from what they see and hear.

Outside Abdul-Muhsin’s office, 9-year-old Ghufran was standing waiting as her father discussed her case. “I have a headache,” she said.

Ghufran saw an explosion and while not hurt in the blast, she has suffered epileptic fits ever since.

“Whenever she sees the scene of an explosion or hears the sound of a blast or sees people dressed in black, she has an epileptic fit,” Abdul-Muhsin quoted her father as saying.

In 2004, Abdul-Muhsin opened a centre to treat people suffering psychological problems, but he said it was forced to close in 2005 because foreign doctors stopped coming to Iraq and it ran out of money.

He said 70 percent of the children he sees have symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder.

“Some suffer from night bed-wetting and social phobia, especially when a child sees a person being killed or being kidnapped or he himself is exposed to kidnapping,” he said.

Nearly every family with children has stories of nightmares or changed behaviour.

“My 6-year-old grandson told me the other day he dreamt that he was walking with his mother near his house when they saw me heading toward them,” said Najat al-Azzawi, 55, a retired engineer. “But a masked man came and snatched me.”

Nora, the 9-year-old daughter of primary school teacher Wafaa Hamed, said she is afraid of the dark.

“I dream that a thief is running after me holding a big knife. I wake up and my whole body is shivering, crying for Mummy and Daddy,” she said.

Nora enjoys watching a program called “Space Toon” on satellite television, but it makes her sad.

“I see kids playing in beautiful gardens and parks and I wish I could play and have fun like them, but I know I can’t because we have bombs and bad guys hurt children,” she said. US and Iraqi forces have launched a major security crackdown in Baghdad, the epicentre of sectarian violence.

While it has reduced the death squad killings, on a typical day anywhere from a handful to dozens of explosions still echo round the city.

“My kids are always afraid,” said Nora’s mother, who has four children, aged between four and 11. “Even when a door slams they start trembling and shouting ‘A bomb, a bomb.’”

“My children used to play outside when things were better two years ago but now they’re stuck to the TV, if we’re lucky enough to have electricity,” she said.

As she spoke, a pair of US helicopters flew low overhead, the thud of the rotors shaking the house in what has become so common that most Baghdad residents barely flinch.

Her 4-year-old son Murtadha burst into tears and put his hands up to his ears to block out the noise. “Mama, afraid, afraid,” he managed to say, his voice faltering with tears.

Khalil, 14, saw a body in the street while driving in the car with his father. At first he talked about it often, his father said, but then he went through silent periods. He has also started sleep-walking.

His mother Um Khalil, a university professor, said Khalil and his friends used to talk about their hobbies or whether they wanted to go into science or study literature or come up with some great invention. Now they talk about mortars landing near a friend’s house or the father of a friend killed or kidnapped.

“Their thinking has become gloomy,” Um Khalil said. “They are not thinking of tomorrow because they know that tomorrow may never come.”

Some beautiful pictures of Palestine

The Wall is isolating one Palestinian town from another, residents resist

The Wall is isolating one Palestinian town from another, residents resist PDF Print E-mail
(Bethlehem) Najib Farag
Friday, 09 March 2007

ImageFriday is the day off for Palestinians. It is the weekend and the day that area hospitals see the most business.

Southern Bethlehem and Beit Jala faced violent confrontations today as Palestinians engaged in nonviolent resistance to land confiscation and Israeli forces attacked. Friday prayers began on lands threatened with confiscation for Wall construction in southern Bethlehem.vIsraeli bulldozers have begun the process of scraping the lands where people fought back with the only things they had: their bodies.

Soldiers beat residents with batons and fists. Several people were hospitalized today with broken bones and internal bleeding evidenced by extreme bruising.

Representing numerous organizations working against land confiscation, Wall construction and settlement expansion in the West Bank, hundreds of Palestinians performed Friday prayers on the ground. They are protesting land confiscation and isolation from other Palestinian towns, cities and villages brought on by Wall construction.

The Wall is not being placed on a clean line between 1967 Palestinian – Israeli boundaries. It is being established inside the West Bank, in the middle of Palestinian towns. One house is separated from another belonging to the same family in the same village.

The People's Committee against the Wall and Settlements condemned Israeli confiscation. Although no one seems to be listening, southern Bethlehem residents said once again, “This is our land. No one has the right to take it.”

Southern Bethlehem is facing what western Ramallah villages have protested against for years, and what is afflicting the Jordan Valley, Hebron, Qalqilia, Tulkarem, Jenin, and towns in between. And the residents have launched a nonviolent resistance campaign that is fighting just as hard, and is screaming, only to be met by deaf ears. If international law does not apply to Palestinians, then what does, resident asked on Friday.

Israeli forces break into mosque and throw residents into the streets before dawn

Israeli forces break into mosque and throw residents into the streets before dawn PDF Print E-mail
(Hebron) Palestine News Network
Saturday, 10 March 2007

ImageDuring Saturday morning raids Israeli forces arrested seven Palestinians from the southern West Bank's Hebron District. Beit Awa, Deir Samit and Mound were the most affected during wide-spread search operations.

In separate telephone calls to PNN early this morning, local sources in the three towns confirmed the details. A large contingent of Israeli forces, replete with the so-called “border guard” that has been showing up during small-scale invasions as of late, stormed one town to the next beginning at 3:00 am.

Israeli forces fire gas canisters at residents and into their homes, and forced dozens of people from their sleeping beds into the streets.

Sources added that Israeli forces broke into the Khalid Ibn Al Walid Mosque and tore through its contents, destroying what was available.

Israeli forces forbid Ibrahimi Mosque from sounding call to prayer

Israeli forces forbid Ibrahimi Mosque from sounding call to prayer PDF Print E-mail
(Jerusalem) Palestine News Network
Saturday, 10 March 2007

ImageWith each move in the occupation, from political demands for recognition made but not returned, and land confiscation for the Wall and settlements, Israeli forces create a new set of restrictions which dictate daily life.

The lack of freedom of movement had been the primary obstacle to freedom of worship in Jerusalem until the excavations at Al Aqsa Mosque increased and the settlement project in the Old City began to threaten its existence.

In the southern West Bank's Hebron, the Ibrahimi Mosque has faced similar obstructions. Settlers are given access to the Muslim holy site which Israeli forces close for Jewish holidays. And today it was reiterated that Ibrahimi Mosque is still forbidden from sounding the call to prayer for the evening and night worship times.

Chief Palestinian Justice, Sheikh Taysir Tamimi, issued a condemnation from Jerusalem against this “serious attack against another of the Islamic sanctities.” He said that the Israeli government, in its ongoing existence as occupier, seeks to eliminate any Islamic form of Palestine. The Sheikh pointed out that the assaults on Islamic heritage, which are often done under the pretext of searching for a Jewish past, have nothing to do with Judaism.

Sheikh Tamimi took the opportunity to also publicly denounce the Israeli attack on the Khalid Ibn Al Walid Mosque in southern Hebron, where soldiers raided the Muslim holy site and destroyed contents. “Israel has crossed a line in its treatment of Muslim and Christian holy places which has reached a point that can no longer be ignored or overlooked.”

UN chief announces Mideast visit ...& more from IMEU

PALESTINE IN PHOTOS

Palestinian students run a mini-marathon in the West Bank village of Al-Khader, near Bethlehem. (Haytham Othman, Maan Images)


Facing Mecca
Uri Avnery, The Jordan Times

A systematic separation
Ghassan Khatib, Bitterlemons.org

So What: The poetry of Taha Muhammad Ali
IMEU


A Palestinian man gazes over the wall separating the Gaza Strip from Egypt in Rafah.
(Hatem Omar, Maan Images)

Under pressure, Palestinian territories pull apart



Mar 10, 2007

Since withdrawing from Gaza, the Israeli government has severed it from the West Bank. The Palestinians have fractured politically at the same time, making the emergence of a viable state more difficult.

Related stories



Quality time

FROM THE MEDIA
Palestinian man dies in Israeli police custody
Ynet News (Mar 10, 2007)

Palestinian PM urges EU to lift embargo
Agence France Presse (Mar 10, 2007)

Israeli activists rebuild demolished Palestinian homes
Ynet News (Mar 10, 2007)

Demolished Homes

Photo: AP Palestinian woman walks on rubble of her demolished home Photo: AP

Activists say a handful of families have been living in tents since Israeli army demolished their illegal homes byAli Waked

About 150 Israeli left-wing activists launched a campaign to rebuild Palestinian homes in the Hebron hills destroyed by the Israeli army for having been illegally built.

Mashek said a Defense Ministry official will visit the site to discuss the army's home demolition practice with the activists.

Activists said a handful of Palestinian families have been living in tents supplied by the International Red Cross.

"The situation can no longer carry on," said Yoel Marshek of the Kibbutz Movement. He said activists plan to build seven new structures on the rubbles of the destroyed homes.

He added that activists have been coordinating their activities with the police and the Israeli army to prevent frictions with settlers.

UN chief announces Mideast visit
Associated Press (Mar 10, 2007)

Photo: Reuters UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon Photo: Reuters

Ban Ki-moon says solving Israeli-Palestinian conflict would pave way for resolution of other issues in Middle East
Associated Press

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said Friday he will visit Israel and the Palestinian territories later this month in an effort to help revive the peace process between the two sides.

Ban said he would make the trip, which will include a stop in Lebanon, on his way to the Arab League summit in Saudi Arabia on March 28-29.

Ban said he chose the Middle East for his second major overseas trip as UN chief because "security in the Middle East is one of the most important issues which we are now facing." He visited several African countries last month.

He singled out the Israel-Palestinian conflict as one of the most pressing in the region, saying resolving it would create a "conducive political atmosphere for the resolution of other issues in the Middle East."

"I'm looking forward to, first of all, a meeting with leaders in the region and making myself available for any
consultation and to make a contribution to (the) peace process," he said.

Quartet talks

Ban has been involved in US-backed efforts to restart the Israel-Palestinian peace effort after a six-year

freeze. He said he would participate in two months in another round of talks among the so-called Quartet of Mideast peacemakers - the UN, the US, the European Union and Russia.

On Sunday, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will meet for the
second time in a month in an effort to keep their line of communication open.

Both sides, however, said they expected no major breakthroughs.

Abbas, a moderate who is eager to restart peace talks, has been trying to finalize a power-sharing agreement with Hamas, an Islamic group that calls for Israel's destruction and has a majority in the Palestinian parliament.

Israel says it does not want to delve into real issues of peace talks unless the new government meets international demands to renounce violence, recognize Israel and accept existing peace agreements.

The power-sharing deal falls short of those demands, but Abbas says its the best he can get from Hamas.

Israeli troops kill Palestinian near Gaza border
Reuters (Mar 9, 2007)

UN panel tells Israel to respect Palestinian rights
Reuters (Mar 9, 2007)

Mixed expectations regarding Abbas-Olmert meeting on Sunday
Maan News (Mar 9, 2007)

France urges EU leaders to endorse Mecca deal
Reuters (Mar 9, 2007)

Human rights group protests Israeli army exercises in West Bank
Haaretz (Mar 9, 2007)

Ongoing population transfer in OPT and Israel

BADIL: "Ongoing population transfer in OPT and Israel"
Report, BADIL, 10 March 2007

A wide view of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. (Photo: UN/Jean-Marc Ferre)

Israel's ongoing policies against the Palestinian people of land expropriation, house demolition, population transfer, colonial settlement expansion, denial of freedom of movement, and expropriation of water and other resources, present the Human Rights Council with one of the longest-standing, yet urgent cases of denial of internationally-recognized human rights. Indeed, Israel's practices that victimize the indigenous Palestinian people, constitute a violation of every one of the most fundamental human rights embodied in the Universal Bill of Human Rights: the rights to life, to freedom of movement, to civil, political, religious and cultural rights, to the due process rights of the ICCPR, and to virtually all of the economic, social and cultural rights of the ICESCR.

The most recent authoritative documentation on these Israeli practices available to the Council includes Special Rapporteur John Dugard's report on the Occupied Territories, (Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, 29 January 2007) which labels Israel's actions 'apartheid.'

SR Dugard's thorough report draws sufficient parallels between the South African apartheid regime and Israel's as to make the term appropriate for use against Israel today. Israel's historical policy of institutional discrimination is at the root of its regime of occupation, colonization and apartheid. Israel's discriminatory and racist policies, favoring "Jewish nationals", including settlers, over Palestinian citizens of Israel, protected civilians in the occupied territories, and refugees has created a two-tier system whereby the special and distinct status of "Jewish nationals" prevents the fundamental right to equality of Palestinians.

Under Israeli law and policy, only "Jewish nationals" exclusively enjoy a range of economic, social and cultural rights, including the "Law of Return" that allows free immigration for Jews, but denies the same to the Palestinian indigenous population tracing its ties to the land for thousands of years. "Jewish nationals" are also privileged to acquire, control and exclusively use the properties and national assets that belong to Palestinians, including the 6.8 million refugees and others displaced since 1948. This discriminatory regime thus prevents the return of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons to their homes of origin, and leads to ongoing population transfer in both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. Amongst others whose very existence is threatened are the Bedouin communities in the Nakab (Negev) and the occupied West Bank.

Enforcing international law: the need for further action

States have a duty to protect the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people, denounce discrimination, racism, and colonization, and find a durable solution to Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons based on their right to return and restitution. Moreover, the United Nations and member states must act urgently to prevent further population transfer within Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

Unless a rights-based approach to the conflict that addresses Israel's discriminatory practices becomes the basis of international community actions, the conflict will continue to deepen, affecting the peace and security of all nations. The urgent need for action by the Human Rights Council, and through it, the United Nations bodies, cannot be overemphasized. It is with this hope that Badil request the Council to consider the legality and implications of Israel's historical policies of institutional discrimination being applied in both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

This action is particularly urgent considering that the number of Palestinians killed in 2006 represents a 215 percent increase compared to the 2005 figure. According to UN OCHA and Defense for Children International (DCI), 678 Palestinians were killed, including 124 children, in the occupied Palestinian territories as a result of the ongoing conflict. Since the beginning of the intifada in September 2000, over 4,300 Palestinians have been killed and 31,000 injured. These casualties continue to mount while successive UN Resolutions designed to bring the illegal occupation to an end remain ignored by Israel.

Badil calls upon members of the Human Rights Council to initiate a request for the International Court of Justice to issue an advisory opinion on The Legality of the Israeli Occupation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; call all upon states to bring claims against Israel in the International Court of Justice under the principle of state responsibility, to ensure that Israel complies with its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law; preserve the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Palestinian territories Occupied since 1967; appoint a Special Rapporteur or expert to examine discriminatory practices affecting Palestinians and other minorities in Israel; consider urging states members of the UN to take measures such as economic sanctions and diplomatic boycott against Israel for its breach of international law and non-implementation of UN Resolutions, as outlined by the International Court of Justice in its 9 July 2004 Advisory Opinion on The Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and endorse a call to the United Nations political bodies to act to provide international protection for the Palestinian civilian population through United Nations forces on the ground.

This is a statement submitted by Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights, an NGO with special ECOSOC status to the fourth session of the Human Rights Council which starts this week in Geneva.

Related Links
  • Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights
  • UN Rapporteur compares Israel to Apartheid South Africa (27 February 2007)


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    Palestinian Women and Non-Violence by Lucy Nusseibeh



    Palestinian Women and Non-Violence
    The history of the involvement of Palestinian women in nonviolent actions within the Palestinian national struggle is almost as old as the struggle itself. As the Middle East and the world as a whole act and react to the violence created by men, the need for women's voices to be raised and to be heard is greater than ever.

    We are currently witnessing the most extreme violence of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict thus far, with battles raging all over the West Bank and Gaza that often leave women and children as the victims. Although often portrayed or perceived as a conflict between equals, the overwhelming military and political power is with Israel, which by controlling the freedom of movement controls every aspect of Palestinian life. The result is a deep sense of humiliation felt by Palestinians at the hands of the Israelis.

    The context for Palestinians today is one of total despair. There is a closure of minds and futures as well as roads, the economy is in almost total collapse, and there is no sign of a turnaround, only more of the same. Many children no longer dream of anything other than becoming "martyrs," and it is all that most women can do just to cope for themselves and for their families. In this situation of siege and bomb attacks, with women and children paying the heaviest price, such coping is itself an assertion of nonviolence. Nonviolence in this situation is just coping with the fear, devastation, poverty, humiliation, and constant, all-pervasive tension to try to remain human.

    Nonviolence in its classic sense involves transforming the conscience of one's opponent through one's own moral agency so that the opponent perceives that his actions are immoral and will therefore stop them. When this does not work, outsiders (from another country) can play a role or the "mirror" can be held at a different angle so that the opponent perceives his actions differently.

    Nonviolence can also be viewed more broadly as an assertion of humanity and as the development of potential in spite of the odds against it, since violence essentially cuts off potential. Just as violence breeds hatred and leads to a vicious and inhuman cycle, nonviolence can be used to break that cycle. Nonviolence, therefore, is a form of assertiveness and empowerment that enables people to stand up even in the face of overwhelming violence and retain their humanity.

    Palestinian women have used nonviolent approaches since the very beginning of the conflict early in the last century. During the British mandate, for example, they organized petitions to the British parliament. They also held a mass demonstration against British and Zionist policy as early as 1920, and in 1929 held the first Palestine Arab Women's Congress in Jerusalem that drew over 200 delegates. That congress issued a revolutionary declaration for women to leave aside their other duties and "support their men in this [national] cause."

    The tragedy of 1948 was so overwhelming that, like now, women were primarily engaged in just coping and keeping together what they could of the bits and pieces of their shattered lives. Simply maintaining their families and their Palestinian identity was an assertion of active nonviolence.

    The war of 1967, although equally overwhelming, gave new energy to Palestinian women, who immediately came out in force in demonstrations, sit-ins, and peaceful marches to protest and raise awareness about the injustice of the Israeli occupation. Committees were set up to support prisoners and their families and, by the late 1970s, the four major Palestinian factions were represented by four different women's committees, in addition to the many charities set up to empower and educate women to resist the occupation.

    The high point of Palestinian women's involvement in nonviolent activities was during the Intifada of 1987, as women took prominent roles in leading demonstrations, setting up popular relief committees as nonviolent alternatives to the constantly encroaching Israeli system, and running both families and institutions while Palestinian men were arrested in droves.

    The current conflict is typified by men shooting and boys throwing stones at Israeli tanks, yet the women's movements have been absent and silent for a long time. At first, this was the case with all movements, as the sudden and vicious nature of the violence threw everyone into shock. Now, although there are some nonviolent activities (such as marches), and some organized protests and petitions from women's organizations, only international involvement and media coverage seem to make a difference. Even during the Intifada of 1987, Israel was able to thwart nonviolent tactics in ways that rendered them futile by turning nonviolent demonstrations violent, preventing media coverage, confiscating the property of those who refused to pay taxes, and other means.

    In today's environment, there has to be a different way to hold the mirror of morality up in such a way that it might break the cycle of violence. Women can be the key to this if they reach out to each other across international boundaries. If women from outside the Middle East come as international observers to witness the plight of Palestinian women and talk about what they see, perhaps their voices can be heard.

    They may then be able to serve as the mirror for Israeli women who could help vote into power a more conciliatory government. Moreover, if the media were to focus on Palestinian women far more than it does, and if women become prominent in decision making and in conflict resolution exercises, there is hope that women working together can bring about the viable Palestinian state and just solution that has so far eluded men.
    Author: Lucy Nusseibeh
    Who: Head of Middle East Nonviolence and Democracy in Jerusalem
    Date: 14 January 2002
    ____________________________

    Photo
    Palestinian intellectuals, one holding a copy of the folk-lore book Speak Bird, Speak Again, protest outside the Hamas-run Education Ministry during a demonstration in the West Bank city of Ramallah, Saturday, March 10, 2007. Dozens of Palestinian writers, academics and other intellectuals marched in the West Bank city Saturday to protest the Hamas-run Education Ministry's decision to pull the anthology of folk tales from school libraries. Just before the march, Education Minister Nasser Shaer announced that the book, 'Speak Bird, Speak Again,' would be returned to the libraries, but only for use by teachers, not students. (AP Photo/Nasser Shiyoukhi)

    Photo
    Foreign and Israeli peace activists help Palestinian villagers to rebuild their demolished houses near Israel's controversial separation barrier in the West Bank village of Imnizel, near Hebron, March 10, 2007. REUTERS/Nayef Hashlamoun (WEST BANK)

    Women with much to say By Samah Jabr

    [AL-AWDA-News] Women with much to say


    Dear All,

    On this occasion of the International Women's Day I would like to share with you this article of Dr. Samah Jabr.

    Best Regards,

    Sarah Ravioli

    Women with much to say

    Saturday, March 30th, 2002
    By Samah Jabr

    (Published in The Palestine Times/London, April 2002)

    From the land where women give birth at military checkpoints and die with their newborns because of the lack of medical treatment, I write my words.

    I write to convey the cries of the millions who are denied the basic requirements for human survival, including the freedom to reach the nearest hospitals because of the tight siege Israel is imposing on our towns and villages and throats.

    From occupied Palestine where remarkable women challenge Israeli bulldozers with their bodies and souls, I send the call of a proud woman to others all over the world to stand up for injustice. From this land of conflict, where the morning breeze brings nothing to our suffocating souls but the smell of death and fear, I express my full respect and admiration for the courageous mothers who have lost their loved ones to war, but still continue their struggle for a just and comprehensive peace that will spare others their very personal pain.

    This is the season of women. In March, the world celebrates International Women's Day and, in many cultures, Mother's Day as well. On this occasion, I call upon women on all continents, often divided by national boundaries and by ethnic, linguistic, cultural, economic and political differences, to come together and to be a loud and sound voice for humanity, equality, justice, peace and liberty for all people around the globe. It does not take super women to do that; even ordinary women can be markers of history. Women, who are often exposed to prejudice, appreciate more than anyone else the value of justice, and they are willing to take anything in their stride. Who is more capable of doing that than a woman who gives birth to a new life, creates a home for the homeless, deprives herself to make sure everyone else is well taken care of, a woman who shares with others their agony to split it into pieces and passes on her mercy to soothe the broken hearts?

    My world revolves around what others think of me, or so I think. I am not alone. How many of us can brave the expressed or implied opinions of others as we try to stand up bravely in today's world? Discrimination hurts.

    Prejudice, even if it is our own, imprisons, stings, bites the hand that feeds it and makes us oblivious to the three fingers pointed back at us when we condemn something or someone different from ourselves. Fear, paranoia and traumatic stress syndromes are terms we hear in medical school.

    Discrimination is oppression's tool, the primitive hammer of civilization that keeps hitting us all on the head, one way or another. What is the cure?

    My shy, studious London roommate Lina ran away. She did this without a word to anyone, leaving us frantic with fear that she had been abducted, raped or tortured. We still do not know which is true. Was it fear that made her leave? Or the prejudices of home following her to London where we went to do a medical rotation? Was it post-traumatic stress that finally caught up with her? Or was she simply selfish or willful, knowing that her friends and family would worry, their lives disrupted by her decision to disappear? Is that my own prejudice against Lina, arrived at because I do not know the answers and I was hurt by the reality of her actions?

    I am full of fight, my American friends say, full of anger. I cannot let go of the experiences of discrimination I've felt. Some people ask my American friend, Betsy, "Why is Samah so angry?" These people did not grow up in Occupied Palestine. They sit in tollbooth lines, but never have to identify themselves at a checkpoint or be stripped at borders. They make sure their children are careful when crossing the street to catch their yellow school buses, but they do not have to worry about sending children to school in vans that might come under gun-fire when paranoid checkpoint guards determine that an "undesirable" might be inside. They wait in line to get a driver's license or check out at the market, but they do not wait from dawn to dark at one of Israel's registration offices to make sure a child, a death or a trip abroad is registered as required. They have not lost their homes to demolition nor have they experienced group punishment for the "crime" of a single person. When Americans leave their country for business, school or pleasure, they know that their citizenship will not be denied them when they return home. I always leave afraid that I will be stopped at the border and denied my identity, even though I was born in Jerusalem.

    America is a nation made up of cooperative people who have all come from somewhere else. The mix of people does not dispel prejudice or discrimination, though. A black American man alone in a car at night may very well be in as much danger as a Palestinian man alone in his car at night. Because Betsy writes in support of a Palestinian point-of-view, she is called anti-Semitic. It seems she writes positively about the wrong Semitic people.

    Even in Israel-"the only democracy in the Middle East," as perceived by the West-women who stand up for injustice and protest against the vicious actions of their government that lead to the loss of their loved ones are exposed to prejudice and rejection like the rest of us. I'm told that the widows of Israeli soldiers who sign letters urging Sharon to end the occupation of Palestine, and the women who go dressed in black calling on their government to stop their aggression against other human beings are being sworn at and spit upon in public by other Israeli "nationalists."

    I return to Lina. Now that I am "safely" home in Jerusalem, I dream about the experience of losing my friend: the talks with police, the night fears that arose from my imagination, the getting up each day to still not find her in the bed next to mine, the dread of facing her aching family. Then, I remember Miss Susan Taylor, a barrister-lawyer. She is a model for escaping prejudice. You see, Susan Taylor speaks perfect British English, but her real name is Sawsan El-Khayyat. She is Palestinian. On the phone, who would know? Who would ever think that Susan is really Sawsan? I met Sawsan during interrogations about Lina. One call to the police from Susan and my roommate's case moved from suspected missing person status to criminal investigation. Later, Susan/Sawsan came to our London flat. She saw how distraught I was and so she invited me to come and stay with her. I asked her about the name change.

    "Come on, Samah," she said. "Don't you know how hard it would be for me to succeed as a British barrister with a name like Sawsan El-Khayyat? All I've done is fit in here. After all, Sawsan is translated Susan and Khayyat means the same as Taylor."

    "Have you really experienced prejudice in London?" I asked, knowing that Sawsan is a British citizen.

    "Yes," Sawsan said, and that was all.

    I live in the belly-of-the beast, the "Western colony" of the Middle East, where I am viewed from far and near as angry, a fearful, worrisome woman with too much to say and too much willingness to say it. After a day of feeling prejudice and discrimination, I sometimes come home feeling that maybe I am affected by acute stress reaction. I long for a world of acceptance and objectivity. I long for a place where Sawsan doesn't have to hide who she really is under a name that doesn't fit her. True to my conscience, I am determined to display who I am. But would I continue to do that if it meant that I would be unable to have a job-a job that would put food on my family's table? My arguments are always questions: Where? When? If? How?

    Lina is gone, perhaps, I speculate, because she feared discrimination against the way she wants to live her life. Did Lina fear oppression from her own people? Sawsan hides under an assumed name. She fears oppression from those who carry with them hatred arising from their own oppression, forever unable to free themselves of the urge to do unto others what was done unto them. Betsy laments the harmless name-calling she receives, because she chooses to speak in favour of a unpopular people, who only want their own place, their own recognition, their own peace. Betsy is frank and doesn't try to speak truth without pointing straight at it. Does this make her an oppressor, an anti-Semite?

    For Lina, prejudice against the lifestyle she wants led to her disruptive, tempestuous disappearance. For Sawsan, prejudice led to falsifying who she really is. For Betsy, prejudice is just a wrinkle in life. As for me, I rest my head, grateful for strong women who do what they must to uphold their own truths. Dare I hope that one day, as our world connects, Palestinian women will not have to deliver at military checkpoints or roadblocks and we will not have to fear each other?

    Samah Jabr is a psychiatrist and a writer living in East Jerusalem

    [AL-AWDA-News] Palestinian Child Political Prisoners 2006 Report


    2007/03/04

    Palestinian Child Political Prisoners 2006 Report



    In 2006, Israel continued its policy of arresting and imprisoning Palestinian children. Some 700 Palestinian children (under 18) were arrested by Israeli soldiers over the course of the year. Of these, around 25 children were held on administrative detention orders, imprisonment without charge or trial. The overwhelming majority of those arrested in 2006 were boys; there were eight girl child prisoners who served sentences at different points during the year. Of these, four had been arrested in 2006.

    Full Report [Doc Format 137KB]



    Palestinian Child Political Prisoners
    2006 Report

    No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time

    Article 37b, UN Convention on the Rights of the Child

    In 2006, Israel continued its policy of arresting and imprisoning Palestinian children. Some 700 Palestinian children (under 18) were arrested by Israeli soldiers over the course of the year. Of these, around 25 children were held on administrative detention orders, imprisonment without charge or trial. The overwhelming majority of those arrested in 2006 were boys; there were eight girl child prisoners who served sentences at different points during the year. Of these, four had been arrested in 2006.

    At any given point during the year, there were between 340 and 420 Palestinian children held in Israeli prisons and detention centers in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), with around 380 held at the end of the year. Of these, around 300 were being held in central prisons, either pending trial or after having been sentenced. The remaining 80 were being held in interrogation and detention centers. The number of children arrested in 2006 brings the total number of Palestinian children arrested by Israel since the beginning of the second Intifada in September 2000 to approximately 5,200.

    Palestinian child political prisoners routinely face violations of their human rights during the arrest through imprisonment process. They are exposed to physical and psychological abuse, often amounting to torture. They are denied prompt access to an attorney and often denied contact with their families and the outside world. Many are held without charge or trial. They face substandard, often inhumane, conditions of detention, both in the facilities where they are initially held and interrogated and in those where they await trial and serve their sentence. Moreover, they are frequently denied access to proper medical care. In many cases, the arrest, interrogation and imprisonment experience has psycho-social effects that extend far beyond the period of detention.

    Case Study No. 1

    Name: Fady Abdel Qader Taneena
    Place of Residence: Hebron, Hebron District
    Date of Birth: 21 March 1990
    Date of Arrest: 26 June 2006

    Fady works as a porter, carrying goods at Tarqumiya checkpoint in the Hebron District. One day in June 2006, a group of Israeli soldiers posted at the checkpoint began cursing at Fady. They pushed him to the ground with their weapons and beat him for around 10 minutes with their hands, legs and weapons while he was lying on the ground.

    After the beating, Israeli police officers arrived and ordered Fady to stand with his face against a wall while they searched his body in a degrading manner. He was then placed in a military jeep and transferred to the Israeli settlement of Kiryat Arba’. There, Fady was accused of having attacked the soldiers, but he refused to confess to this charge. After some 4 hours, he was transferred to the Etzion interrogation and detention center in the Bethlehem District. Along the way, he was beaten by Israeli soldiers while he was blindfolded and handcuffed. Prior to having been blindfolded, one of the soldiers threw a lit cigarette butt at him.

    Trends in Cases Handled by DCI/PS and Closed in 2006

    In 2006, the majority of closed cases handled by DCI/PS concerned children 17 years old (88.3%). This represents an increase over the previous two years (53% and 50.9% for 2005 and 2004, respectively). Accordingly, there was a decrease in the percentage of closed cases concerning children aged 15 and 16 years, from 32% in 2005 to 11.7% in 2006. In contrast to the 15% of closed cases that concerned children less than 14 years old in 2005, DCI/PS handled no closed cases of children in that age group in 2006.

    In 2006, there were significant changes in patterns related to the major charge on which Palestinian children were tried. The percentage of closed cases dealing with the three most serious categories of charges (attempting to kill an Israeli, possession of explosives and possession of weapons) dramatically decreased (see Table 5). At the same time, the percentage of closed cases in which the major charge was stone throwing dramatically increased, from 22.2% in 2005 to 63.8% in 2006.

    Based on the striking shifts in charges, one might have expected that sentence lengths would show similarly significant shifts, but this was not the case. On the contrary, sentence lengths actually increased in 2006. This is due to a number of reasons, including a new military prosecutor at one of the courts who advocated harsher sentences for Palestinian children, and an increasingly tense political situation, in general. It is indicative of the extent to which sentence lengths issued by the Israeli military court system often have less to do with the charge before the court than with the overall political situation.

    In 2006, there was a decrease in the percentage of closed cases that received a sentence of less than six months, from 34.8% in 2005 to 28.2% in 2006. This continues the trend from 2004, where 42% of closed cases received a sentence of less than six months.

    While there was a decrease in the percentage of closed cases receiving sentences of over three years (from 14.9% in 2005 to 7.5% in 2006), there was an increase in the percentage of closed cases receiving sentences between 1 and 3 years. Cases of this type amounted to 36.4% in 2005, while they jumped to 47.9% in 2006, ranking them as the most common sentence for the year.

    Table 1: Breakdown of DCI/PS Closed Cases by Sentence

    Sentence Number Percentage
    Less than 6 months 60 28.2%
    6 months – 1 year 35 16.4%
    1 – 3 years 102 47.9%
    3 years or more 16 7.5%
    TOTAL 213 100%

    Table 2: Breakdown of DCI/PS Closed Cases by Age Group

    Age Group Number Percentage
    Less than 14 years - -
    15 and 16 years 25 11.7%
    17 years 188 88.3%
    TOTAL 213 100%

    Table 3: Breakdown of DCI/PS Closed Cases by Geographic Region

    Region Number Percentage
    Northern West Bank 141 66.2%
    Central West Bank 33 15.5%
    Southern West Bank 39 18.3%
    TOTAL 213 100%

    Table 4: Breakdown of DCI/PS Closed Cases by Major Charge

    Charge Number Percentage
    Stone Throwing 136 63.8%
    Possession of and/or Throwing a Molotov Cocktail 14 6.6%
    Membership in a Banned Organization 40 18.8%
    Attempt to Kill an Israeli 8 3.7%
    Possession of Explosives 7 3.2%
    Weapons Possession 8 3.7%
    TOTAL 213 100%

    Table 5: Breakdown of Sentences, Age Groups & Charges, 2004 – 2006


    Age Group 2006 2005 2004
    Less than 14 years - 15% 15.7%
    15 and 16 years 11.7% 32% 33.4%
    17 years 88.3% 53% 50.9%

    Sentence 2006 2005 2004
    Less than 6 months 28.2% 34.8% 42%
    6 months – 1 year 16.4% 13.9% 9.8%
    1 – 3 years 47.9% 36.4% 28.5%
    3 years or more 7.5% 14.9% 19.7%

    Charge 2006 2005 2004
    Stone Throwing 63.8% 22.2% 31%
    Possession of and/or Throwing a Molotov Cocktail 6.6% 14.3% 14.2%
    Membership in a Banned Organization 18.8% 9.7% 15.3%
    Attempt to Kill an Israeli 3.8% 21.3 18.3%
    Possession of Explosives 3.2% 12.2% 7.3%
    Weapons Possession 3.8% 14.5% 13.9%
    Other - 5.8% -


    The Arrest through Imprisonment Process in 2006

    Arrest and Interrogation

    All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.

    Article 10.1, UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

    When arresting Palestinian children, Israeli soldiers frequently employ terrifying tactics. Large numbers of armed soldiers surround the child’s home and force the child’s family into the street. The family’s home is often violently searched and the child is frequently physically abused.

    Once the child is taken into Israeli custody, he/she is almost always blindfolded and handcuffed and transported to an interrogation center, generally, without being allowed any contact with his/her family and without recourse to an attorney. In many cases, the child is beaten while being transferred to interrogation.

    In most cases, Palestinian children are taken immediately to interrogation upon arrival at an interrogation center. Given that many children are arrested in the evening or in early morning hours, these interrogation sessions often begin after midnight. The various steps that have taken place prior to interrogation, namely the violent arrest and transfer process, are calculated to assist in bringing about a quick confession from the child detainee.

    Though Israel is a State Party to the UN Convention Against Torture (CAT) and the universal ban on torture forms part of customary international law, the Israel Security Service (ISS) continues to use torture in its interrogations of Palestinian political prisoners, including children. Torture has been a key part of Israel’s interrogation of these prisoners for decades. At various times, Israel has relied more on physical forms of torture than on psychological methods, which are currently most commonly used. However, irrespective of whether the abuse is physical or psychological, torture in all of its forms is banned.

    No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

    Article 7, UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

    Israeli forces employ a number of different interrogation methods designed to coerce Palestinian children into confessing to the charges against them. For example, one common method is the use of solitary confinement, when a prisoner is prevented from communicating with anyone else, except the prison guards. Solitary confinement often affects the mental health of the prisoner and may facilitate torture and maltreatment. It is used as a means of placing psychological pressure on a detainee to confess to the charges against them, particularly in Askelon, Petah Tikva, Jalama, and Maskobiyya interrogation centers.

    Other forms of abuse to which children are subjected during interrogation include:

    Blindfolding
    Handcuffing
    Beatings
    Sleep deprivation
    Position abuse
    Yelling and cursing
    Threats, including: the threat of being beaten or having family members beaten; being imprisoned for a long time; being sexually abused; being attacked by a dog; being tortured with electric shocks or subjected to other forms of physical torture; and having home demolished, among others. (It should be noted that, in cases, subjecting the child to such threats, particularly that of physical torture, can be a form of torture itself).

    In contrast to the various forms of abuse and threats listed above, interrogators promise children a lenient prison term or release if he/she confessions to the charges. These tactics combined succeed in coercing many children to confessing to the charges waged against them. These confessions then form the basis of the children’s indictment in an Israeli military court.

    Case Study No. 2

    Name: Ahmad Abdel Kareem Jaradat
    Place of Residence: Silat Harthiya, Jenin District
    Date of Birth: 21 September 1988
    Date of Arrest: 13 May 2006

    At around 2am, on Saturday the 13th of May 2006, a large number of soldiers surrounded my house. After they forced their way into the house, they ordered everyone in the house to go out to the street and they arrested me. After searching the house, they led me into the house where there were three Israeli interrogators, who began interrogating me.

    The interrogators kept asking me if I knew a certain someone, but I denied knowing the person. During the questioning, the interrogators beat me with their hands and shoved me against a wall. When I did not confess, they brought my mother into the house and ordered her to stand behind my bedroom door. They made sure to let me know that she was there and they told me that if I do not confess, they will beat my mother and beat me in front of her. They pushed me against the wall and slapped me several times on my face while my mother was watching. As a result of this, I confessed because I did not want my mother to be beaten or to have to watch me be beaten more. Altogether, the interrogation in the house lasted around four hours.

    After this, they transferred me to Jalama prison for 12 days, where I stayed in solitary confinement. Of the 12 days, three were spent in an underground cell. The size of the cell was no more than three meters squared. There was nothing in the cell except a mattress, a thin blanket and a pot used for urinating. This pot was only emptied at the end of each day.

    The walls of the cell were very rough -- not even suitable for leaning against. There was no window for ventilation, but there was an opening that forced cold or warm air into the room. The lighting in the cell was very weak. It was yellow in color and on all the time. It made my eyes tired and hurt. With no window in the room, it was difficult to know the time of day.

    As for food, it was difficult to recognize what it was -- a mixture of vegetables, pasta and rice. During my stay in the cells, my interrogation continued. The only time I was allowed out of the solitary confinement cell was when I was taken to interrogation or allowed to have a shower. After 12 days, I was transferred to HaSharon prison.

    Lawyers’ Access

    In general, lawyers are not allowed access to their clients until after the interrogation has been completed. However, even then, there are many obstacles that make it difficult for a Palestinian lawyer to visit his/her child client. The first obstacle is that many children are detained in Israeli interrogation and detention centers located outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). Accordingly, in order to visit the child, the lawyer must apply for and receive from the Israeli authorities a permit to enter Israel. Only a small fraction of Palestinians, including lawyers, succeed in obtaining these permits.

    Even if entry to Israel is not an issue (because a permit has been obtained, because the attorney has Jerusalem ID or is a citizen of Israel, or because the facility is in the OPT), obtaining access to the detention facility remains a problem. In general, lawyers must submit to the detention facility, in advance, a list with the names and ID numbers of those prisoners the lawyer wishes to visit. Upon receiving the list and confirming that the prisoners are indeed held in that particular facility, the Israeli administration and the lawyer agree upon a date for the visit. This process is often wearisome and time-consuming as the lawyer is forced to make multiple calls to the facility in order to confirm that the faxed list has been received and to arrange for a date to visit. The Israeli staffers in these facilities are often uncooperative, failing to leave messages or return phone calls, contributing to the tediousness of the process.

    Once the day of the visit arrives, lawyers are often forced to wait an hour or more outside the prison before they are allowed to enter. The lawyer is then shown to a room where the individual visits with the child client will occur.

    Israeli Interrogation and Detention Centers

    There are three types of interrogation and detention centers: 1) those under the supervision of the Israeli army; 2) those under the authority of the Israel Prisons Service (IPS); and 3) those run by the Israeli police. Israeli soldiers carry out interrogations in centers under the authority of the army. The Israel Security Services (ISS) conducts the interrogations that take place in facilities under the control of the IPS or the police.

    The table below indicates which entity controls the various detention and interrogation centers where Palestinian child political prisoners are held:


    Israeli Army Israel Prisons Service Israeli Police
    Huwwara
    Qedumim
    Etzion
    Salem Askelon
    Jalama
    Binyamin Mascobiyya
    Petah Tikva

    Irrespective of the supervising authority, the conditions of detention are equally appalling at all of the facilities. Though these centers are supposed to be temporary holding facilities, Palestinian children can spend months there before they are transferred to a central prison. The period of detention varies considerably from a few days to a few months and depends on a number of factors. In theory, children are supposed to be transferred out of these centers once interrogation is complete, a charge sheet has been issued and an order has been issued detaining the child until the end of legal proceedings. However, in practice, a child cannot be transferred to a central prison until the detention center receives word from a central prison itself that space has opened up for new prisoners. In cases, if a child’s prison sentence ends up being less than 3 months, they may spend their entire period of imprisonment within a detention center and never be transferred to a central prison.

    Overcrowding also affects conditions within the detention centers. For example, in Askelon interrogation and detention center, all children who were interrogated there were detained for extended periods in small cells, designed for only 1 – 2 prisoners, before being transferred into the larger, better equipped rooms that hold numerous prisoners.

    Juveniles deprived of their liberty have the right to facilities and services that meet all the requirements of health and human dignity.

    UN Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty, 31

    Children detained in these centers face the worst conditions of detention as they are almost always overcrowded, in poor condition and fail to meet basic health requirements. In short, they are generally unsuitable for human habitation. Children are provided only a mattress and a blanket. These generally smell bad as there is poor ventilation in the cells. Neither fresh air nor sunlight reaches the rooms where the children are detained. There is no means of heating water or food. Matches or lighters are banned. If a prisoner wants to light a cigarette, he must ask the guard to do so for him. The only clothes provided to children are provided through lawyers’ visits. Children are detained with adults in all of these facilities, except Binyamin interrogation and detention center, where one tent has been designated as the children’s section.

    There are no bathrooms in the prisoners cells and prisoners are not allowed to use the restroom whenever they need, but instead at set times during the day. If a prisoner is unable to wait, he must urinate in a bottle. In terms of showering, prisoners are allowed to do so during recreation time, but must do so without soap or shampoo.

    Case Study No. 3

    Name: Said Deeb Said Hajajreh
    Place of Residence: Al Arroub refugee camp, Hebron District
    Date of Birth: 3 August 1988
    Date of Arrest: 12 July 2006

    “After [interrogation at Askelon], they sent me to the cells – around 25 cells were underground. I was put alone in a small cell that measured about 2 meters by 1 meter. I was held in this cell for 26 days. The only things in the cell were a mattress, a blanket and an opening in the ground that was used as a toilet. The walls of the cell were too rough to lean against and there was no window for ventilation.”

    In terms of the cleanliness of their physical environs, situation is very bad. Though the child prisoners attempt to clean their rooms themselves, they are not provided cleaning supplies and there is no prompt disposal of trash by prison guards. During hot weather, the garbage rots, smells and attracts rodents and insects. The poor conditions of hygiene in many facilities cause rashes and infectious skin diseases among many of the prisoners.

    In the summer, the facilities lack proper ventilation, resulting in stifling conditions of detention. In the winter, child prisoners are provided insufficient blankets and clothes to keep themselves warm.

    With the exception of Binyamin interrogation and detention center, there are no family visits, regardless of how long the child is detained there. As a result, many of the children suffer psychological difficulties as a result of total separation from their families. For many children, this may be the first period in their life where they have been away from their family.

    Food provided to the prisoners is poor in quality and quantity and, oftentimes, inedible. In some cases, the children are provided regular meals, but at other times, the children are provided only the soldiers’ leftovers. All of the meals are provided cold because the food is not delivered promptly. In terms of quantity, prisoners in Salem and Etzion interrogation and detention centers report that, for breakfast, each room is provided a 250g container of labna (a creamy yogurt spread) and a large piece of bread. This food must then be divided amongst all of the prisoners. The amount of food is not increased if the number of prisoners in the room increases. The same food is provided for supper. For lunch, prisoners are provided with a small amount of potatoes, eggs and tomatoes, with rice or pasta. In some cases, prisoners are provided with additional food stuffs that have been donated by charitable associations. Israeli soldiers, however, often steal some of the food themselves and give only a portion of the food to the prisoners.

    There have been many cases where Palestinian prisoners have been provided food that was past its expiration date. For example, on 25 April 2006, after prisoners in Huwarra interrogation and detention center were given expired food, 11 of them, including 4 children, were transferred for medical treatment of severe diarrhea. The prisoners were treated only by the center nurse, who did not have the center physician examine them.

    The detention facilities fail to provide child detainees any resources with which to spend their time. There is no connection between the children and the outside world: no television, radio, magazines, books or newspapers. The only book available to children is the Qur’an. Additionally, children are frequently prohibited from leaving their rooms for outside, recreation time for periods as long as a week at-a-time. Outdoor time or time to engage in physical, recreational activity is not regarded as a right, but rather as a privilege that depends on the mood of the soldier in charge.

    Roll call is taken at these centers three times per day. In addition, the center administrations often carry out random roll calls, including during late night and early morning hours. At Binyamin interrogation and detention center, where prisoners are detained in tents, prisoners must stand outside their tent until roll call is completed, irrespective of weather conditions.

    Case Study No. 4

    Etzion Interrogation and Detention Center, Bethlehem District

    During a visit to Etzion center on 4 July 2006, Palestinian prisoners informed DCI/PS’s attorney that the center is comprised of several rooms, each holding between 7 and 9 persons. The prisoners sleep on mattresses on the ground, a situation made more uncomfortable by the fact that the mattresses are extremely thin and that each prisoner is provided with only one blanket. They are prohibited from using the restroom facilities except at appointed times during the day. No electronic devices are allowed that would enable communication with the outside world (e.g. radios, television, etc.). The only food available is that which is provided by the administration and this is poor in quantity. There is no canteena from which prisoners could supplement their food intake.

    Transferring the Child Prisoner from the Place of Detention to Military Court

    Prior to transfer, the child is strip searched and his/her hands and feet are tightly bound. During the transfer prisoners are prevented from talking with one another. Once arriving at the court, the police unit who accompanies the prisoner prevents the prisoner from speaking, shaking hands or having any other physical contact with his/her family members.

    Military Courts

    Every child alleged as or accused of having infringed the penal law has at least the following guarantees:

    (i) To be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law;
    (ii) To be informed promptly and directly of the charges against him or her, and, if appropriate, through his or her parents or legal guardians, and to have legal or other appropriate assistance in the preparation and presentation of his or her defence;
    (iii) To have the matter determined without delay by a competent, independent and impartial authority or judicial body in a fair hearing according to law, in the presence of legal or other appropriate assistance and, unless it is considered not to be in the best interest of the child, in particular, taking into account his or her age or situation, his or her parents or legal guardians;
    (iv) Not to be compelled to give testimony or to confess guilt; to examine or have examined adverse witnesses and to obtain the participation and examination of witnesses on his or