Saturday, March 17, 2007

Cultural Phenomenon Destroying a Book "Speak Oh Bird" Killing the People's Memory By Dr. Faiha Abdulhadi


Speak Bird, Speak Again – there is a lot to say
The call for destroying Speak Bird, Speak Again, which is a collection of folktales, has caused an uproar among Palestinian society.

Cultural Phenomenon
Destroying a Book "Speak Oh Bird"
Killing the People's Memory
By Dr. Faiha Abdulhadi
What does the bird say? What is to believe and what is not? What is the space between imagination and reality? How would the child's vision be kept vivid and growing and what makes it stiff and dead?

What is the educational impact of the popular stories on children and youth, girls and boys, around the world? Why would they love to listen to? Is there any speciality about the Palestinian popular stories?

What happens to the child when reading such stories? Does he stop on words of "immoral" notations? Or would he be more open to the magic worlds of these stories that tie him to his culture, and stimulates his understanding of values where he rejects the negative ones without dictation and enforces the good positive values in an indirect artificial manner.
The Arab child is born free as any other child in the world. He is smart, intelligent, with lots of questions, rejecting confinement, loving freedom. He is only convinced with logic and reason and is not afraid of the big or small, acts blunt with no compromises. He is born able to learn and to upgrade his talents with a speed faster that the elderly. The child's ability to use computers and new technologies whenever he gets a chance for that is evidence to his wonderful talents.
Story narration engages the child interests, where the sequence of events attracts his attention, as he listens closely with all eyes and ears open with unlimited surprise. With his vision stimulated, he expresses his natural eagerness to see a magic world parallel to his own world of reality.
The Arab child from the moment he starts asking questions and commences his journey of knowledge, he faces a wall of restrictions and prohibitions. He faces a strict parental and social education system at home, school or the street that develops a weak submissive personality. A personality that will at the end be tied with the tribe or clan and departed from the scientific thinking and knowledge of the outside world.
No doubt, the conflicts the Arab world live in affect the Arab child raising and development of his thinking. Struggle against imperialism as in Lebanon, Iraq, Sudan and Palestine, confiscates innocence from children of those areas and deprives them from enjoying their basic childhood rights. In the absence of governmental institutions, ideological conflicts and sectarian clashes result in enforcing the dogmatic mind and encourage the rule of jungle.
In parallel we find that the world is experiencing vast scientific and technology development where globalisation becomes a reality worthwhile understanding and facing. It should be positively understood in the sense of opening up to the world cultures and utilizing the speedy exchange of information. Globalisation should also be confronted by refusing the single pole domination that tries to control and impoverish other nations.
In this context, it is equally important to emphasize the importance of cultural diversity fighting all sorts of discrimination, class, racial, sectarian or religious.
*****
What do we want our Palestinian child to be? Do we want him to be innovative, or dependant? Should we raise him up to the tribal restricting morals such as revenge, killing for honour, kissing hands and beards, taking law by ones hands or patronage? Or should we raise in him the critical mind, the democratic sense, the scientific thinking, the cultural diversity, respect for women, respect for the law, freedom, upholding the principle of dialogue and the acceptance of disagreement? The later will help the Palestinian child read popular stories among others in a rational critical mind and will assist his creativity, innovation and participation in building out homeland.
*****
"Dr. Faiha Abdulhadi,
I read your article titled "The central role of story telling in education, art and life". This comes in the heart of our Palestinian identity, in memorising these stories and transferring them between generations. We do not deserve this homeland if we do not preserve our group popular memory and stories. This is my personal electronic site where you will find dialogues made with my grand father, who shared the battles of the 1948. The narrations are lengthy and detailed on the Nakba events and the dispersion of Palestinians that occurred afterwards. Audio files are included. I wish you success. Salim AlBeek:
Excuse me Mr. Salim Albeek as I wanted the readers to share your important message. I agree with you. We do not deserve this homeland if we desert our group popular memory and stories. Let us gather the stories of our mothers and grand mothers that are held in their memories. Let us record what is not recorded and form reading sessions for these stories to discuss starting with "Speak Oh Bird" stories.
*****
I narrate my tales/ I twist the necks of time/I extract my past/ I exist.
I enter into history, beautiful and radiant.
I spread my robe/ the springs erupt/the cataracts fall
Arabiyya, Zahret el Uqhuwan, Maheeba/Rubeen, Al Houdaj, shatranj
Al mawwal, ad dabke , at tabban/ Ayyoub, al'Ajami, en-Nabi Saleh
Salama, Ajnadeen, El Fahham.
Strings of words extend into time/ Walled in by orange trees
the quinine/ the quince.
Words that climb and travel/ Amman, Dimashk and Libnan
khaki uniforms, waterfalls, and cedar trees/ Al Baka'a, Al Yarmouk, and Tal ez Za'atar.
I inspirit the letters large/ I shape my world/ I make my history/ I exist.
*****
I come to adopt launching the call for "It is my right to write my own story" that should spread all over our homeland and among Palestinians abroad.

Redefining the Palestinian struggle & more from IMEU

Redefining the Palestinian struggle



Mar 17, 2007

Palestinians must ditch the factionalism of the post-Oslo era and begin efforts to formalize a new collective strategy that pushes for specific principles which can only be achieved through national consensus.

Related stories



The Second Palestinian Intifada, by Ramzy Baroud


El-Funoun: Dancing hope
This Week in Palestine

The village that wouldn't disappear
Najib Farag, PNN

The redundancy of recognition
Al-Ahram Weekly

Unity government installed
The Associated Press (Mar 17, 2007)

'I try to forget - but I can't': talking with Huda Ghalia
The Guardian (Mar 17, 2007)

She was the 12-year-old girl filmed crying alongside her father and siblings as they lay dying - victims of an explosion at a family picnic. But what happened to Huda Ghalia next? Rory McCarthy meets the shy, teased girl who became a symbol of Palestinian despair

Israeli launches fresh Nablus raid amid investigation
Maan News (Mar 17, 2007)

Barghouti: Israel must recognize unity gov't
Ynet News (Mar 16, 2007)

Israel army to investigate "human shield" charges
Reuters (Mar 16, 2007)

The voice of a martyr
Bessy Reyna, Hartford Courant (Mar 16, 2007)

Taming Leviathan
The Economist (Mar 16, 2007)

Kevin Kallaugher

PRC accuses Israel of thwarting prisoners' exchange deal
Maan News (Mar 16, 2007)

On Israel, America & AIPAC
George Soros, The New York Review of Books (Mar 16, 2007)

PALESTINE IN PHOTOS

Disabled Palestinians take place in a table tennis tournament in the city of Bethlehem.
(Maan Images)
The Institute for Middle East Understanding provides journalists with quick access to information about Palestine and the Palestinians, as well as expert sources, both in the U.S. and the Middle East. Need story assistance? Contact us. New to the issue? See our Background Briefings.

Photo
Palestinian journalists and media students from Hebron University demonstrate for the release of kidnapped BBC correspondent Alan Johnston at the Red Cross offices in the West Bank city of Hebron March 17, 2007. (Nayef Hashlamoun/Reuters)

Photo
Palestinian journalists and media students from Hebron University demonstrate for the release of kidnapped BBC correspondent Alan Johnston and Al-Jazeera Arab satellite channel journalists Tayseer Alluni and Sami al-Haj being held in western government prisons, at the Red Cross offices in the West Bank city of Hebron March 17, 2007. REUTERS/Nayef Hashlamoun (WEST BANK)

Photo
BBC Middle East Bureau Chief Simon Wilson, second right, Deputy Bureau Chief Joe Floto, center, fixer Ibrahim Adwan, left, and security advisor Paul Greaves, right, hold posters of correspondent Alan Johnston during a protest demanding Johnston's release in front of a special session of the Palestinian parliament in Gaza City, Saturday, March 17, 2007. The BBC said earlier in the week there was still no word on the whereabouts of Johnston who was kidnapped in Gaza three days ago, and made a fresh appeal for his safe return. Johnston was snatched from his car by four masked gunmen in Gaza City on Monday, in the latest of a string of kidnappings of foreign journalists in the Gaza Strip. (AP Photo/Adel Hana)

Photo
Palestinian journalists and human rights activists hold posters of British Broadcasting Coproration (BBC) correspondent Alan Johnston during a protest in front of a special session of the Palestinian parliament in Gaza City, Saturday, March 17, 2007. The BBC said earlier in the week there was still no word on the whereabouts of Johnston who was kidnapped in Gaza three days ago, and made a fresh appeal for his safe return. Johnston was snatched from his car by four masked gunmen in Gaza City on Monday, in the latest of a string of kidnappings of foreign journalists in the Gaza Strip. (AP Photo/Adel Hana)


Photo
A Palestinian demonstrator holds a placard during a protest by agricultural workers outside a special session of parliament in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Saturday, March. 17, 2007. Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas was to present the platform at the start of the parliament session on Saturday, to be held simultaneously in Gaza City and in Ramallah with a video link. Palestinian lawmakers cannot meet in one place because of Israeli travel bans. Hundreds of protesters, including disgruntled security men and farmers, held vigils at both sides to press for jobs and government support. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)


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Palestinians shout slogans during a protest outside the Palestinian parliament building in the West Bank city of Ramallah March 17, 2007. Palestinian leaders struck discordant notes on how to deal with Israel on Saturday as parliament met to usher in a unity government intended to halt factional fighting and ease a crippling Western aid embargo. (Loay Abu Haykel/Reuters)

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Palestinians hold portraits of their relatives held in Israeli jails during a special session of the Palestinian parliament in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Saturday, March 17, 2007. Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas was to present the platform for a new unity government at the start of a parliament session on Saturday, to be held simultaneously in Gaza City and in Ramallah with a video link. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)


Photo
Members of the anti-war movement called Give Joy, release a symbolic white bird over the barbed wire fence which divides them from the camp set by Hezbollah and opposition groups of an open-ended protest to force the resignation of the Lebanese Prime Minister Fuad Saniora, in Beirut, Lebanon, Saturday March 17, 2007. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)

Photo
Lebanese activists from the anti-war movement called 'Give Joy', release white pigeons over the fence and barbed wire which divide Beirut's downtown between the Martyrs Square and the camp set by Hezbollah and opposition groups of an open-ended protest to force the resignation of the Lebanese Prime Minister Fuad Saniora, in Beirut, Lebanon, Saturday March 17, 2007. Some two hundreds from all regions of Lebanon gather in one unified human chain to meet with love and respect and building bridge of unity and peace. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)


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Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh from Hamas, top right, and members of the Parliament raise their hands as they vote in favor of a new unity government at a special session of parliament in Gaza City, Saturday, March 17, 2007. The new Hamas-Fatah coalition won overwhelming parliament approval Saturday, clearing a final formal hurdle before taking on the challenge of persuading a skeptical world to end a crippling year-long boycott of the Palestinian government. (AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)

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Israeli soldiers move into position during clashes with Palestinian protesters near Qalandiya checkpoint on the edge of the West Bank city of Ramallah March 16, 2007. REUTERS/Yonathan Weitzman (WEST BANK)


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Israeli soldiers break into a Palestinian house during clashes with Palestinian protesters near Qalandiya checkpoint on the edge of the West Bank city of Ramallah March 16, 2007. REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun (WEST BANK)

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Palestinian protesters throw stones during clashes near Qalandiya checkpoint on the edge of the West Bank city of Ramallah March 16, 2007. REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun (WEST BANK)

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A Palestinian police officer stands next to the vehicle of John Ging, the Gaza director of UNRWA, on which bullet impacts can be seen in the armored glass, at the United Nations compound in Gaza city, Friday, March 16, 2007. Three masked Palestinian gunmen fired on a vehicle carrying the chief of the U.N. refugee mission in Gaza and tried to kidnap him, the U.N. official said. No one was hurt in the kidnap attempt in northern Gaza, said John Ging, head of the U.N. Relief and Works Agency in Gaza. (AP Photo/Adel Hana)

Happy St. Patricks's Day !

Fun
Play Hangman!, Jokes & Blessings,
Irishness Quiz!, Kids Games ,
Irish Baby Names Irish Penpals,
Read an Irish Story, Irish Music and Lyrics


http://www.ireland-information.com/irishmusic/thewearingofthegreen.shtml

The Wearing Of The Green
Irish Song Lyrics and Music Midi

Click Here to Listen to this Irish Song

When you click this link you may be asked if you want to Run the file from its current location or if you want to Download the file. Choose to RUN the file from its current location! Depending on how your PC is set up the song may start playing automatically. Make sure the volume on your PC Speakers is turned up!

Lyrics
O Paddy dear, and did ye hear the news that's goin' round?
The shamrock is by law forbid to grow on Irish ground!
No more Saint Patrick's Day we'll keep, his color can't be seen
For there's a cruel law ag'in the Wearin' o' the Green."
I met with Napper Tandy, and he took me by the hand
And he said, "How's poor old Ireland, and how does she stand?"
"She's the most distressful country that ever yet was seen
For they're hanging men and women there for the Wearin' o' the Green."

"So if the color we must wear be England's cruel red
Let it remind us of the blood that Irishmen have shed
And pull the shamrock from your hat, and throw it on the sod
But never fear, 'twill take root there, though underfoot 'tis trod.

When laws can stop the blades of grass from growin' as they grow
And when the leaves in summer-time their color dare not show
Then I will change the color too I wear in my caubeen
But till that day, please God, I'll stick to the Wearin' o' the Green.

The Wearing Of The Green - Irish Song Lyrics and Music Midi
Brought to you by The Information about Ireland Site
Irish Family Crest Gifts

Thinking of spring in Palestine- a poem by By Mike Odetalla




Almond Blossoms in Palestine


Thinking of spring in Palestine
By Mike Odetalla

What benefit or joy if,

I were to gain the world,
But lose the almond blossoms in my land?

Drink a cup of coffee, everyplace
But my mother’s home

Journey to the moon,
But not to the graves of my ancestors

See the world’s wonders,
But not the setting sun as it dips behind ancient olive groves

Tour the world over,
But lose the flowers on the hills of my native land

Nothing but lethal silence…

No need to gain the world

Just a cup of coffee
In a familiar place and
An end to the lethal silence

Within the hearts of the living…

Mike Odetalla, thinking of spring in Palestine! 3-27-2005


"Come, I'll tell you about Palestine" www.Hanini.org

My Home Town: http://www.beithanina.org/

http://www.palestinecalendar.org/

http://www.palestineonlinestore.com/

http://www.alnakba.org/

http://www.nakbainhebrew.org/

http://www.palestineremembered.com

http://www.al-awda.org

http://www.pcwfund.org or http://www.pcwfund.org The link to thewebsite of Palestine Children's Welfare Fund ...Click to buy Palestinian embroidery online, sponsor a Palestinian child, buy a flag or a Kuffiya to feed one, or a donation of 25 dollars to plant an olive or orange tree in honor of some one you know or to commemorate a hero of yours .

“The ink of the scholar is holier more than the blood of the martyr"- Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him)

How to free the U.S. from AIPAC occupation? By Soraya Ulrich 3-14-2007 AlJazeera Magazine

http://www.aljazeera.com/cgi-bin/review/article_full_story.asp?service_ID=13123

Review: Articles
>> Review Homepage > Articles > People > Countries Comment on this ArticleEmail this article
How to free the U.S. from AIPAC occupation?
3/14/2007 1:00:00 AM GMT



AIPAC at the behest of Israel is bent on pushing the U.S. to war

By: Soraya Ulrich

"Every time we do something you tell me America will do this and will do that . . . I want to tell you something very clear: Don't worry about American pressure on Israel. We, the Jewish people, control America, and the Americans know it."

Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, October 3, 2001, to Shimon Peres, as reported on Kol Yisrael radio.

When I took my oath of citizenship, choking with emotion, I repeated with thousands of other new citizens: “ I will support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States of America against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same.” I am duty-bound to fight for my country and free it from influence. I hope that 300 million other Americans join me to free the United States of America.

In his celebrated farewell address to the American people in 1796, George Washington urged Americans to avoid taking sides in foreign quarrels. Not only have we failed to heed his warning, but we have yielded our will to foreign influence. Our destiny is being shaped by Israel and her lobby groups in the United States at the detriment of America and the wishes of the American people....[more]






Latest of Israeli violations of Palestinians’ rights: Strip-searching children
3/17/2007 1:23:00 PM
Even Palestinian girls, as young as seven and below, are strip-searched, without regard to its negative psychological impact



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Freedom For Hussam Khader- Freedom For All Palestinian Prisoners


17 March 2007 marks the 4th anniversary of the arrest and illegal detention of HUSSAM KHADER, former Palestinian Legislative Council member & senior Fateh leader

http://www.hussamkhader.org/english/


Child prisoners in numbers:

Nearly 4000 Palestinian child have been arrested since the outbreak of Al-Aqsa Intifada (28/9/2000).

- 297 children, (3.4%) of the total number of prisoners, are still detained in Israeli jails

- 25.2 % of child prisoners are sick and in need of medical treatment.

- Hundreds of prisoners were arrested when they were children and they are now over 18 are still detained inside Israeli prisons.

- 99% of child prisoners have been subject to torture especially put black & thick packet on the head, and Shabeh position

Status

Number

Percentage

Sentenced

136

45.8 %

Waiting for trail

155

52.2 %

Administrative detention

6

2 %

Total

297

100

http://www.hussamkhader.org/english/internal_eng/statistics.htm

(Distribute Widely)

Freedom For Hussam Khader

Freedom For All Palestinian Prisoners
"All that I stand for stems from my faith in the right of my people to be free" (Hussam Khader)

Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition demands that pressure is brought to bear on the Zionist authorities to relapse Hussam Khader, former Palestinian Legislative Council member, founder of the Committee to Defend Refugee Rights and senior Fateh leader.

Hussam, who was the first of many Palestinian activists deported to Lebanon for being leaders of the 1987-91 Intifada, was kidnapped from his home in Balata Camp on March 17, 2003. Following a lengthy trial of 2½ years, he was sentenced to 7 years in jail. According to members of the delegation of the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union present at the hearings, Hussam's hearings failed to meet international standards of fair trial.

Throughout his trial, Khader maintained that the case against him was an attempt to silence him because of his staunch adherence to the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees. He also accused members of the Palestinian National Authority of aiding his arrest in the hope of silencing his unrelenting criticism of PA corruption and lack of transparency.

Hussam Khader is one of approximately 11,000 Palestinians currently imprisoned by Israel. Violation of international human rights laws and being subjected to torture are not only evident in Khader's case, but are common practices against all Palestinian prisoners.

Additional information on Hussam's case are found at
http://www.hussamkhader.org/internal/committee/default.htm

Al-Awda calls on its members, supporters and all people of conscience to:

1. Send a card or letter of support to Hussam Khader in prison Hussam Mahmoud Abdel Rahman Khader,
Beer Sheeva Prison,
Eshel Section No. 4,
Area No. 84100, TH 59
Israel

2. Demand that Hussam Khader and all the 11,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, including the 40 elected parliamentarians, are accorded their rights as enshrined in international human rights law and conventions to which Israel is a signatory. Write to:

Louise Arbour
U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights
Commission/Sub-commission Team
Treaties and Commissions Branch
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
UNOG-OHCHR
211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Tel.: +41 22 917 9000
Fax: +41 22 917 9022
1503@ohchr.org

For urgent matters related to human rights violations
tb-petitions@ohchr.org


Mr. Jose' Manuel Barroso
President, European Commission
1049 Brussels
Belgium
sg-web-president@ec.europa.eu
Tel.: +32.2.298.81.55

Afif Safyeh
PLO Mission
320 18th Street, suite # 200,
Northwest, Washington, DC, 20036
Telephone: (202) 974 6360
Fax: (202) 974 6278
plomission1@aol.com

Mahmoud Abbas
?President, Palestinian Authority
Office of the President
The Beach Forum
Gaza City
Tel: ++972 2 2824834
Fax: ++972 2 2823487
--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition
PO Box 131352
Carlsbad, CA 92013, USA
Tel: 760-685-3243
Fax: 360-933-3568
E-mail: info@al-awda.org
WWW: http://al-awda.org

Bloggers & free thinkers & nobodies BEWARE !

Who contacted the New York Times Review of Books to complain- to goad a huge corporate entity to pick on little ole me, the lowly letter writer and blogger...who contacted them and why and what were the conversations flying back and forth as my site meter clearly shows an email conversation and various IPS landing on a certain post, a conversation that even includes Google- all landing with precision on my blog on a certain post and pondering it longer than most ever bother to do... prompting an official request that I remove the text of an article on AIPAC.... (& assume next time they will be more careful to cover up their tracks)

Bloggers & free thinkers & nobodies who might be interested in exercising free speech based on the current conversation beware- free speech is not so free after all as the conversation is cut off and our ability to simply keep an accurate record is curtailed.

Bloggers beware as irrelevant nobodies like me are perceived as a threat by a huge wealthy corporation which has clearly expressed an interest in owning the conversation and exercising its power to cut off paper trails that might help America's democracy survive in a global world where information is power.

Last night, befuddled that such big wigs would even bother with me and quite confused that my humble blog would even pop up on anyone's radar, I quickly complied with the The New York Times Review of Books' firm request to remove all the text and left a note there in its place :

"please go to the link as the New York Times Review of books sent a letter to me claiming I was violating their copy right by blogging the entire text.

Sadly this means every newspaper can easily change text when they want and a blogger & letter writer has no way of maintaining the original text for reference... and I have seen this happen before, which is why I blog entire articles for my notes. It is also helpful as some articles simply get disappeared.

But oh well.

PS "The New York Review of Books wrote:
Thank you for your cooperation. The full text of that article will be available on our site on Monday. We do not change the text of articles published in the Review." "


However this morning, on further reflection- I removed the entire post that created such a stir... and I am not even naming the author of the article or the title because who knows- that too can be construed as a copyright violation by legal eagles eager to pounce on small prey.... Anyway Me the mouse sees no reason why I should at this point in time to help advertise & promote the The New York Times Review of Books. So please understand- this post does not in any way endorse, nor does it intend to promote the The New York Times Review of Books.

Having noticed that many other media outlets are also publishing articles on AIPAC I suggest you go read them instead.

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

Improvisations: Arab Woman Progressive Voice: Are the Palestinians Humorless?

umkahlil: Israel's Right to Be Racist

Masked gunmen attack UN convoy in Gaza Strip

Masked gunmen attack UN convoy in Gaza Strip

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/YSAR-6ZCR7K?OpenDocument&rc=3&emid=ACOS-635PFR

Masked gunmen ambushed and opened fire on a three-vehicle United Nations convoy in the Gaza Strip today shortly after it left the crossing point with Israel carrying a senior official of the main UN agency for Palestinian refugees, but all the passengers and drivers escaped injury.

The director of the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) Field Office in Gaza, John Ging, was leaving the Erez crossing point for Gaza City when a vehicle blocked the convoy about one kilometre to the south in what agency Commissioner-General Karen Koning AbuZayd called “this unprecedented attack on UN staff in Gaza.”

Three armed men jumped out and attempted to open the doors of the middle car in the convoy. When it became clear that the doors were locked, they opened fire directly on the car, leaving 11 bullet holes in the side. Nobody was hurt and the passengers and drivers were able to travel safely to UNRWA’s headquarters in Gaza City.

Ms. AbuZayd condemned the attack in the strongest possible terms and urged that those responsible be identified and brought to justice.

Eight wounded in demos against West Bank barrier

Photo
An Israeli soldier holds back a Palestinian man with his son during weekly protests against the West Bank barrier in the village of Bilin. Five demonstrators and three police officers were wounded during the protests, army radio reported.(AFP/Abbas Momani)

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20070316/wl_mideast_afp/mideastisrael

Eight wounded in demos against West Bank barrier

Fri Mar 16, 11:03 AM ET

JERUSALEM (AFP) - Five demonstrators and three police officers were wounded on Friday during weekly protests against the West Bank barrier, army radio reported.

Police used teargas grenades to disperse stone-throwing demonstrators in the village of Bilin, north of Ramallah. Four demonstrators were also arrested, the radio reported.

The farming village of Bilin is the site of weekly clashes between protestors against the controversial barrier and police, who regularly use tear gas, rubber bullets and batons against demonstrators.

Israel says the 700 kilometre (435 mile) long barrier, made up of concrete walls and razor wire fences, is necessary to protect the Jewish state against terrorists.

Palestinians say the barrier is a land grab which eats up chunks of their promised state, separates farmers from their land and splits families.

The International Court of Justice, in a non-binding decision, ruled the barrier illegal in 2004. Israel has pressed on with construction, which is 65 percent finished.

Friday, March 16, 2007

'I try to forget - but i can't'

http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2034797,00.html

'I try to forget - but i can't'



She was the 12-year-old girl filmed crying alongside her father and siblings as they lay dying - victims of an explosion at a family picnic. But what happened to Huda Ghalia next? Rory McCarthy meets the shy, teased girl who became a symbol of Palestinian despair

Saturday March 17, 2007
The Guardian


It was a Friday afternoon in June. The sky over Gaza was a broad wash of purple blue, and along the seafront the surf was breaking into small whitecaps. Ali Ghalia was on a day off from his work as a farmer and decided to take his family for lunch on the beach at Beit Lahiya, a few minutes' drive from their home. The beach on the Mediterranean, with its rolling dunes and dry grasses, is a rare delight in a stretch of land ground down by poverty, overcrowding, militancy and decades of military occupation. It is free to the public and barely touched by development - just a few half-built hotels are dotted along the 25-mile coastline, the shadow of a tourist industry that never was.

Ghalia had two wives, as is still sometimes the custom in the Palestinian territories, and both were with him on the beach that day, along with their dozen children and their beach kit: several plastic armchairs, plates of food and cooking pots, flasks of tea, plastic toys, blankets to sit on and a small cot for the baby. They ate lunch and lazed in the sunshine, and were still on the beach shortly after 4.30pm.

Although it was a Friday afternoon, others in Gaza were still at work, among them Zakariah Abu Harbeed, 37, a cameraman with Ramattan, the leading Palestinian news agency. He is based at the agency's 10th-floor offices in Gaza City, ready to report breaking stories. Often in Gaza that means covering the conflict - dozens of times he has filmed the dead and the dying, and he has been shot at and wounded in the process.

That Friday, Abu Harbeed had been to Beit Hanoun, a town close to the northern border of the strip, to film the scene of an Israeli attack on a group of suspected militants. On his way back, he ran into another story. The Israeli military had just destroyed a car that they also suspected was carrying militants. He filmed that scene, too, and went to the hospital to get footage of the injured. It was, for him, an ordinary day's work. It was shortly after 4.30pm.

Then he took a call from a contact in the ambulance service: the Israeli military were shelling the beach at Beit Lahiya and there were casualties. He called his driver and they jumped into the car.

That afternoon at the beach, Abu Harbeed shot about 10 minutes of film for which he later won two awards. He arrived just in time to record the aftermath of a terrible explosion that had killed most of the Ghalia family. Seven were dead: Ali Ghalia, 49, and one of his wives, Ra'eesa, 35, together with five children: Haitham, five months old; Hanadi, 18 months; Sabreen, four; Ilham, 15; and Aliya, 17. Several others were injured, some severely, including more children from the family.

Much of the film Abu Harbeed made that day is so graphic it would never be broadcast on television in the west. One clip, however, was broadcast repeatedly that day and in the days that followed. It showed Huda Ghalia, aged 12, distraught and sobbing by the body of her dead father. It was an image distilling Palestinian despair, one that recalled the film of Mohammad al-Dura, the 12-year-old boy who died in his father's arms in Gaza in a hail of gunfire six years ago, at the start of the intifada.

Abu Harbeed talked me through the footage in a cramped video editing suite at the Ramattan offices. It begins as they drive up to the beach, the film shot from the passenger seat through a cracked windscreen with the blare of a siren in the background. There is one ambulance, its back door open, and half a dozen men shouting and panicked. Between them they uncover one limp body after another, dragging them out quickly and either placing them on a stretcher or running with them to the ambulance. They don't have time to notice that several of the bodies they are carrying are dead, the wounds horrific, impossible to survive. One of the men reaches for a girl, grabs her black clothes at the shoulder and places her on a green canvas stretcher. Her left arm has been blown off just above the elbow. She is pale, unconscious and looks dead, but in fact she survives. I learned later that her name is Amani. Somewhere among the bodies is her sister, Ayhaam. She, too, is badly injured but survives.

As this was going on, Abu Harbeed just stood still and filmed. He is a professional just doing his job, and methodical. "You can see I'm not getting close to the bodies," he said, "that's too much for the audience. I'm getting the wide picture. But then I felt there was someone alive nearby, as if there was some life coming out of this death. Suddenly Huda imposed herself on this massacre."

Huda is at the corner of the screen, watching the men remove the bodies. She stands still, her arms by her side. She is in a blue T-shirt, her black hair curled down to her shoulders. As the last body is removed, Huda turns around and starts to run, her hands reach forward, the fingers splayed. Abu Harbeed follows her with his camera. "I couldn't tell where she was going. I just followed her." Huda reaches a dune, stops running and clasps her arms across her chest. She begins to scream: "Oh father, oh father", and the screaming continues even as she throws herself into the sand. The camera pans back to show her lying next to the body of her father, Ali Ghalia, broad-shouldered with a grey moustache and lying on his back. His mouth and eyes are open, but he is dead, his pupils rolled up under his eyelids. Huda is still screaming.

By now Abu Harbeed was quietly crying in the editing suite. After a minute he looked up. "I don't like to see these pictures. They make me suffer," he said simply. "I wanted people to see that this is a family that did nothing to anyone. There are no weapons, no military uniforms, just a picnic."

Beit Lahiya is a poor neighbourhood in the far north of the Gaza Strip. Many of the householders used to work as labourers in Israel, but since a clampdown on permits for work that income has dried up. Most now make a living farming the fields that lie just to the north, between the town and the concrete wall and steel fence that marks the border with Israel. But Gaza's farming industry is also struggling, thanks to Israel's repeated closure of the major crossing points out of the strip. Those closures have so damaged farm exports that many no longer bother investing in the seeds to plant cash crops such as strawberries and cherry tomatoes in the first place. Israel says the closures are justified on grounds of security. In effect it means that poverty levels have risen (unemployment in Gaza is running at 40%, according to the UN) and many families, like the Ghalias, have run up credit at local grocery stores which they hope to pay off in the future.

The Ghalia family house is unexceptional: a two-storey breeze block structure that looks at least partly homemade. It has a red-tin door, and next to it a spindly cactus that rises up to the height of the first floor and bows under the weight of the family washing line. Outside, there is a constant noise of children playing and the occasional donkey-drawn cart that passes by: the first has a boy with a loud-hailer advertising his tray of freshly caught fish; a few minutes later another cart goes by with baskets of live chickens. The family live on the ground floor, in a couple of empty rooms furnished only with mattresses and blankets that are rolled up and stacked against the wall each morning. Huda shares a bare bedroom with her two younger sisters, Hadeel, eight, and Latifa, seven.

In the months after the explosion on the beach, I went to visit Huda and her family many times, to listen to the story of a household struck by a tragedy, a family that captured the headlines and then dropped from sight. I ate with them, went to school with them, drove with them to see relatives and visited their injured in hospital.

The first time I met the Ghalias, they were sitting on plastic chairs in the sunshine outside the front door of the house. Ayham, 20, the oldest son, receives visitors. He is quiet and surly, and like most of the men in the family he smokes, though not in front of his mother or uncles. Since his father's death, he has become responsible for taking a lead in family decisions. He also works as a part-time guard at a local UN office and has begun a two-year secretarial diploma at the Islamic University in Gaza City. The university is affiliated to Hamas, the Islamic militant movement elected into power a year ago, and the course is to be paid for by Hamas: one of a small number of official contributions made to the family since what they call simply "the incident".

After a while, Huda appeared. She was barefoot and dressed in a black cloak with a white veil on her head. A gold bracelet hung from her wrist. She was quiet and monosyllabic: still visibly affected by what had happened. Huda and her two younger sisters have started at a new school, a Hamas-run girls' school in Gaza City, their tuition another gift from Hamas. She said she preferred the new school. "I have new friends now," she said. "I don't see the old friends any more." She had just returned from a visit that she, her two sisters, her mother and her aunt made to the United Arab Emirates. "It was fine," she said. It was her first time out of Gaza.

Some weeks later, Huda produced a photo album of that trip. The visit the family described to me was part political and part medical. Huda's mother, Hamdiya, 41, who had been badly injured in the right hand, was treated in hospital, as were Latifa and Hadeel. The film of Huda on the beach turned her into such a symbolic figure that many Arab officials queued up to see her. One photograph shows Huda standing with her fingers in a V for victory salute, in front of a poster of Abbas and the late Yasser Arafat. Another shows her sitting on a sofa in a pink dress and wide-brimmed hat, talking to the deputy prime minister of the Emirates. But the pictures the children most enjoy show them incongruously dressed in red ski outfits and helmets, holding plastic sleds at a vast indoor ski centre in Dubai.

In Gaza, Huda had already met Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas prime minister, and Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president. Both spoke of adopting her, as did other dignitaries she met. They meant that loosely - not taking her into their families to bring up as their own, but offering her moral and financial support. They were public gestures, singling out a girl suffering a private grief.

On their return from the Emirates, Huda crossed back into Gaza through Israel with a special VIP pass. Her mother and the rest of the family had to cross from Egypt, through the Rafah crossing, which is frequently closed and always overcrowded. They had no special passes. With so much attention paid to the young girl, it is perhaps not surprising that the family began to feel a degree of frustration.

For one thing, their neighbours presumed that this political attention, international travel and talk of adoption would translate into great financial wealth for the Ghalias. Hamas stepped forward to pay for the children's education, and a Qatari charity paid for the rebuilding of a house for Amani, the eldest daughter, married with two children, who lost most of her left arm in the incident. President Abbas provided around £1,000 and there appears to be the promise of money from the Emirates to pay to rebuild the family house - although eight months on from the incident, no work has begun. But there has been no more than that. Only after some time did it become clear to the neighbourhood that the Ghalias were still living as precariously as everyone around them.

Secondly, there was the extraordinary attention Huda received. Although she featured prominently in the footage shot on the beach, she was only lightly injured. The family was upset by the iconic status she had been given and angry that the others, who suffered much more serious physical wounds, had been overlooked. Huda's younger brother, Adham, 10, suffered serious shrapnel wounds to his stomach and mouth, and was eventually transferred to the US for treatment. He is still living there, looked after by a series of expatriate Palestinian families who ensure he receives the medical care he needs and that he is attending school. He calls home several times a week. Huda's two elder sisters, Amani and Ayhaam, who were the most seriously injured, have been in and out of hospital, and still have months of serious operations ahead of them.

"Huda was seen on television, that's all," said Hassan Ghalia. "But it is not only Huda, believe me. She is the one who saw everything and was seen by the world, but other people lost so much and nobody saw them." Hassan, 33, is one of Huda's uncles, the thinner and younger brother of her dead father, Ali. Of the several uncles who live nearby and take care of the family, Hassan is perhaps the most mature. He, too, is a farmer, but can't afford to plant this year and has no other work. He is carefully spoken and always points out that though he blames the Israeli military for the explosion, he does not blame the Israeli people, with whom he hopes the Palestinians will one day find peace. He told me, "The Palestinians firing rockets at Israel are doing it out of ideology. The Israeli military who fire at us are doing it out of ideology. And we are just crushed in the middle."

In the months ahead, it was Hassan who volunteered to look after his niece, Ayhaam, accompanying her on the trips to hospital in Israel and taking care of her physiotherapy on her return. And after all, he said, this was not the first crisis to hit the family. A year and a half earlier, in January 2005, several of his nephews were involved in another, equally traumatic incident: seven children, all under the age of 18, were killed, and seven other people, including five more children, were severely injured when they were hit by Israeli tank shells. The children, most from the Ghaben family, were in farmland just north of Beit Lahiya, picking strawberries. Witnesses said militants had been firing mortars from the fields over the border into Israel that morning, but disappeared as the Israeli shelling began. The Israeli military said it targeted a group of masked men preparing to fire more mortars. Three of the children lost both their legs - including Issa Ghalia, now 15, who is a regular visitor to Huda's family. He was treated in Israel and later in Iran. He was fitted with a pair of prosthetic legs, but prefers not to use them and instead would swing through the gate, up the steps and on to a chair using his arms alone. "The legs are good, but sometimes I just get tired of them," he said one day as he sat listening to the family's news. It is attacks such as these that have discouraged farmers in northern Gaza from going anywhere near their fields by the border.

On a Saturday morning I went to Huda's new school, the Dar al-Arqam, which is large, clean and imposing. Three newly-painted buildings stand on three sides of a large concrete playground. It has been open since August 2003 and around 1,500 children, aged between five and 15, study here. Nearly all are girls, although there are temporarily a small number of boys, too, because their school was damaged in recent fighting. All the teachers are women. "It is our kingdom," the deputy head, Eman Nassar, 34, told me. She took a degree in biochemistry at an Egyptian university and spent six years as a kindergarten teacher in Gaza before coming to the school.

Around a third of the children are loosely termed "orphans", meaning one or both of their parents have either died during the conflict or are among the 10,000 Palestinians held in Israeli jails. Like Huda and her sisters, they do not pay school fees. In addition, any child in the fourth grade or above who scores more than 95% in their end of year exams is exempt from school fees, which range up to 320 Jordanian dinars (£240) a year.

The school is openly affiliated to Hamas - although the teachers are at pains to insist that does not make them signed-up members of the movement - and there is a strong religious element to the teaching. Qur'anic learning is a key part of the children's curriculum, as are Arabic, English, science, maths, geography and history, all taught from government textbooks. Almost all the girls wear a uniform of a black cloak and a white veil over their hair. At home I noticed Huda now almost always veiled her hair, though her hair was not veiled that day at the beach.

"We work for God, not for Hamas or Islamic Jihad or anyone else," said Nassar. "We work for God and we want our children to be the best." The children themselves are not all from Hamas-supporting families - the Ghalias, for example, are almost wholly divorced from politics and show no particular loyalty to any of Gaza's political factions.

Nassar said the goal of the school is to teach the children to think, not to prepare them for any set role as women or in politics. "Everyone has to learn. But how you use that knowledge, that's what's important," she said. The teachers are all well-educated and the school is in far better condition than government schools in the area. The school day is longer, and the class sizes smaller. Huda, with her government school background, found herself well behind other girls of her age. Her English was particularly poor and she was extremely reluctant to speak up in class. It didn't help that she was teased a lot by the other children, and even now in between classes she plays with her sisters more than her classmates. "The other children would run after her saying, 'Huda Ghalia, Huda Ghalia', and, 'Oh father, oh father', just like they'd seen on television," said her teacher, Nadia Shurafa, 25. "Her response was to be shy and not talk to anyone. She tried to forget about what happened, but no one lets her forget. She just wants to be normal."

The conflict in Gaza has such a huge impact on all the children's lives that the school does its own psychological work. There are several others like Huda who have seen members of their families killed in front of them. Sometimes it is a matter of stepping in to prevent fighting in the playground. "They fight very easily," said Nassar. "They form themselves into different militia groups and act out what they've seen. Or they play 'I'm a Jew, you're a Palestinian'. You have to keep your eyes on them and try to get them to talk about what they feel. And sometimes you just have to accept what they do."

One teacher, Asma'a Obaid, 24, runs one-on-one sessions for the most traumatised children, including Huda. She encourages them to talk through their experiences and to draw scenes from the incidents they have been through. Obaid flicked through some of the most recent paintings on her desk. They show pictures of dead children, helicopters firing missiles into buildings and key events in recent Gazan history, including the killing of the Hamas spiritual leader, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. "Sometimes the children say they want to kill the person who killed their father, or brother, or whoever it was," Obaid said. "We tell them it's better to educate themselves."

She often asks the children to draw a happier picture than the violence all around them ,and she produced one painting drawn by Huda that showed a large, multicoloured house next to a row of trees, with flowers and seven people in the garden and a smiling sun in the sky. "A specialist psychologist visited the school and saw this and said this represents where Huda wants to be, this place of stability and sunshine," Obaid said.

Huda's days are spent at school, or playing with brothers, sisters and cousins at home or the house of one of two uncles, Hassan and Yahya, who both live across the street. Every few weeks she is driven down to the south, to a house in the sand dunes near Khan Yunis, to see the woman she knows as her grandmother, who for 20 years has acted as a spiritual healer.

I went with her once and watched as the old woman talked to Huda, reading to her from the Qur'an and feeding her a sweet-smelling juice made of amber and musk, a potion rumoured to have special remedial properties.

"This helps to push out the fear," said the 70-year-old woman, Um Khalid, the mother of Ali Ghalia's second wife, Ra'eesa, who was Huda's stepmother and who was also killed in the beach explosion. "Thanks to God and this liquid, everyone gets better. I have a connection with God, you see. I just make the treatment and it all comes out of her. She calms down and she has really improved over time. They will forget eventually."

One afternoon, Huda was standing on the roof terrace of her family house in Beit Lahiya, picking passion fruit off a vine with her mother and younger sisters. The terrace looks over the back garden, which is small but full of trees: figs, oranges, lemon, a date palm and a banana tree that needs cutting back. It was several months after the incident on the beach and Huda was slowly beginning to open up. She was still shy, but less withdrawn than when I first met her. We talked about the new school, which she seemed to prefer. She talked about perhaps being a lawyer in future - this is what Sheikh Hamdan, the deputy prime minister in the Emirates, had suggested: "Become a lawyer, defend your rights." She talked about the television - the footage of her still reappears occasionally on the Arabic news channels. "We don't have a television and I won't go to any house that does have a television," she said. Her teachers say she is too frightened to look at any photographs of herself. "I remember that day and what happened," Huda said. "I can't forget it and sometimes I dream of it. I am trying to forget, but I can't."

As is often the case in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the cause of the explosion that afternoon on the beach is much disputed. The Ghalia family and others hold the Israeli military responsible for the blast, saying an artillery shell hit the family. The Israeli military had fired thousands of shells into Gaza in the preceding weeks, aimed at preventing Palestinian rocket attacks on Israeli towns, and admitted firing a number of shells from the sea and the land on that Friday. But the Israel Defence Force denied responsibility at the time and, in a written response for this article, said the explosion that killed the Ghalias was "without a doubt, not caused by the IDF". This conclusion was based on "intelligence analysis, Palestinian claims, media coverage of the incident and IDF filmed footage that documented all IDF activity during that day". It admitted the Israeli military had fired six artillery shells: the IDF could account for where five of those shells landed, but not the first shell, which it said was fired at 4.30pm. "The possibility that this shell landed in the area of the incident is close to zero," it said. The IDF concluded, based on clips of video footage, that the blast happened some minutes later and not before 4.57pm. The IDF also said that two pieces of shrapnel taken from two of the people injured at the scene did not come from 155mm IDF artillery shells. In its written response, the IDF offered no other possible cause for the blast, though in the days after the incident it suggested there had been a coincidental separate explosion on the beach at that time in the afternoon, caused either by a buried old shell or a mine planted by Hamas.

Several human rights groups and press reports at the time raised points of difference with the IDF account. In particular, a detailed article by the Guardian's Chris McGreal on June 17 showed that the timings noted in hospital records, and by a doctor and an ambulance driver, indicated that the blast happened some minutes earlier than the IDF maintains - so challenging the IDF's central claim that its shelling had stopped by the time the Ghalias were killed. The article also cited a former Pentagon battlefield analyst working for Human Rights Watch who believed that the crater size, shrapnel, types of injuries and their location on the victims' bodies (particularly to the head and torso) pointed to a shell dropping from the sky, not explosives under the sand. Witnesses spoke of hearing other blasts at the time, consistent with a pattern of shells falling at the beach.

It happens quite frequently that severely ill or injured patients in Gaza who cannot get adequate treatment in the strip's hospitals are allowed to cross into Israel. And so it was with Huda's two elder sisters, Amani and Ayhaam: shortly after the incident, both were taken to hospitals in Israel. Amani, 23, whose left arm had to be amputated above the elbow, was taken to hospital in Be'er Sheva and travels back and forth from Gaza on a regular basis. Ayhaam, 17, suffered severe injuries to her shoulders, chest, throat and legs, and for many months was confined to a wheelchair. Of all those on the beach that day, she was perhaps the worst injured.

Six months after the incident, Ayhaam was back in hospital in Israel, sitting on a metal-framed chair in a third-floor room at the Assaf Harofeh Medical Centre, near Ramla. With her was her uncle Hassan, who spent every day and every night in the ward at his niece's bedside. It was his first time in Israel since 1993. He spoke little Hebrew, the doctors spoke little Arabic, but he could talk to the cleaners, most of whom were Arab Israelis. He found many of the Jewish families in the hospital welcoming. "It's more human than political," he said as we sat together in the ward. "Most people we've met are compassionate. Their reaction is: 'We suffer in the same way you suffer.'"

It was Ayhaam's third time at this hospital, and when she had arrived about two weeks earlier, the doctors had been deeply concerned and advised an urgent operation. The problem was with her windpipe, which had narrowed so much that she was having difficulty breathing. It wasn't clear to the doctors whether the narrowing was caused by a shrapnel injury, or was the result of a long intubation in another hospital, or whether a small opening in the windpipe had become infected. Whichever, Dr Ilan Bar, one of Israel's leading cardio-thoracic surgeons, concluded that he needed to cut away the narrowed section of the trachea and then reconnect the remaining ends.

In a small office off the wards, Bar opened his textbook to show me the procedure. "You pray to God that it doesn't disrupt," he said. "It is very rare and very risky."

For the first few hours after the operation, it appeared to have been successful. Then, when Bar was out at a Saturday night football match at his Tel Aviv local club, he was called back to the hospital: Ayhaam's condition had seriously deteriorated.

"That Saturday night the doctor told me there wasn't anything more they could do," Hassan said. "We were just waiting for her to die." But by the Sunday morning Ayhaam had recovered. "For now I can say the procedural technique was successful," said Bar. "Now I want to take care of all the other problems she has, like walking and movement, clearing her lungs, healing her bladder. Our procedure was life-saving; now let's deal with the other problems that can make her life whole."

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