Saturday, July 14, 2007

I remember the butterflies and the clear feeling that everything was open.... Mahmoud Darwish


Return of the 'modest poet'
By Dalia Karpel

How thrilled is he really about his coming visit to Haifa? What was the impact on him of a report that 1,200 tickets (out of a total of 1,450) for his poetry-reading appearance this Sunday in an auditorium on Mount Carmel had been snatched up in one day? Does this embrace move Mahmoud Darwish, known as the Palestinian national poet, who in recent years has lived in Amman and occasionally in Ramallah?

"When I passed the age of 50, I learned how to control my emotions," Darwish says, during a conversation that takes place in Ramallah. "I am going to Haifa without any expectations. I have a barrier on my heart. Maybe at the moment of the encounter with the audience a few tears will fall in my heart. I anticipate a warm embrace, but I am also apprehensive that the audience will be disappointed, because I do not intend to read many old poems. I would not want to appear as a patriot or as a hero or as a symbol. I will appear as a modest poet."

How does one make the transformation from being the symbol of the Palestinian national ethos to being a modest poet?


"The symbol does not exist either in my consciousness or in my imagination. I am making efforts to shatter the demands of the symbol and to be done with this iconic status; to habituate people to treat me as a person who wishes to develop his poetry and the taste of his readers. In Haifa I will be real. What I am. And I will choose poems of a high level."

Why do you disdain your old poems?

"When a writer declares that his first book is his best, that is bad. I progress successively from book to book. I have not yet decided what I will read to the audience. I am not stupid. I will not disappoint them. I know that many want to hear something old."

Darwish arrived in Ramallah from Amman on Monday morning of this week. He was scheduled to hold working meetings in the days that followed and then go to Haifa, the city in which he embarked on his literary path, in the 1950s. He doesn't yet know how he will travel - there are many volunteers who want to drive him to the meeting in Haifa with residents of the Galilee. The evening is being organized by Siham Daoud, a poetess and editor of the literary journal Masharef, in conjunction with the Hadash Arab-Jewish political party. Darwish will speak and read about 20 of his poems. Samir Jubran will accompany him on the oud and the singer Amal Murkus will moderate. Darwish hopes the Interior Ministry will let him stay in Israel for about a week, although the entry permit he received is valid for only two days.

The conversation with the poet takes place at 4 P.M. in the Khalil Sakakini Cultural Center in Ramallah. The magnificent, well-kept building contains an art gallery and a hall for films and concerts. It also has a spacious office, from which Darwish edits the poetry journal Al-Karmel.

The room we are in contains a library rich in Arabic books, though a few Hebrew ones are interspersed among them. There is a poetry collection put out by the Hebrew literary journal Iton 77, Na'ama Shefi's "The Ring of Myths: Israelis, Wagner and the Nazis," as well as copies of the literary-political journal Mita'am, edited by the poet Yitzhak Laor, and a poetry collection by Sami Shalom Chetrit.

Darwish, thinner than ever, elegantly dressed, is cordial. For someone who eight years ago was pronounced clinically dead and was restored to life almost miraculously, he looks fit and younger than his 66 years.

"Is there any hope for this nation?" I ask, and Darwish, the great pessimist, does not even bother asking which nation I am referring to. "Even if there is no hope, we are obliged to invent and create hope. Without hope we are lost. The hope must spring from simple things. From the splendor of nature, from the beauty of life, from their fragility. One may forget the essential things occasionally, if only to keep the mind healthy. It is hard to speak of hope at this time. That would look as if we were ignoring history and the present. As though we were looking at the future in severance from what is happening at this moment. But in order to live we must invent hope by force."

How do you do that?

"I am a worker of metaphors; not a worker of symbols. I believe in the power of poetry, which gives me reasons to look ahead and identify a glint of light. Poetry can be a real bastard. It distorts. It has the power to transform the unreal into the real, and the real into the imaginary. It has the power to build a world that is at odds with the world in which we live. I see poetry as spiritual medicine. I can create in words what I do not find in reality. It is a tremendous illusion, but a positive one. I have no other tool with which to find meaning for my life or for the life of my nation. It is in my power to bestow on them beauty by means of words and to portray a beautiful world and also to express their situation. I once said that I built with words a homeland for my nation and for myself."

The worst one could have imagined

You once wrote, "This land lays siege to us all," and today more than ever, the feeling of depression and helplessness must be overwhelming.

"The situation today is the worst one could have imagined. The Palestinians are the only nation in the world that feels with certainty that today is better than what the days ahead will hold. Tomorrow always heralds a worse situation. It is not just an existential question. I cannot speak about the Israeli side; that is not my expertise. I can speak only about the Palestinian side. Already in 1993, on the eve of the Oslo agreement, I knew that the agreement held out no promise that we would reach true peace based on independence for the Palestinians and the end of the Israeli occupation. Despite that, I felt that people were experiencing hope. They thought that maybe a bad peace was preferable to a successful war. Those dreams were deceptive. The situation now is worse. Before Oslo there were no checkpoints, the settlements had not expanded like this, and the Palestinians had work in Israel."

Do you think the readiness for peace was mutual?

"The Israelis complain that the Palestinians do not love them. That is really funny. Peace is made between states and is not based on love. A peace agreement is not a wedding reception. I understand the hatred for the Israelis. Every normal person hates living under occupation. First one makes peace and then one examines feelings like loving or not loving. Sometimes after making peace, there is no love. Love is a private matter and cannot be forced on others."

What hope are you talking about?

"I accuse the Israeli side of not expressing readiness to end the occupation in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The Palestinian people is not seeking to liberate Palestine. The Palestinians want to lead a normal life on 22 percent of what they think is their homeland. The Palestinians suggested that a distinction be made between homeland and state, and they understood the historical development that led to the present situation, in which two peoples are living on the same land and in the same country. Despite that readiness, there remained nothing to talk about."

You mentioned the Gaza Strip. What do you think of the new reality there?

"It is a tragic situation. An atmosphere of civil war. What happened between Fatah people and Hamas people in Gaza reflects a closed horizon. There is no Palestinian state and no Palestinian Authority, and people there are fighting one another over illusions. Each side wants to take control of the government. It's all 'as if' - as if there is a state, as if there is a government, as if there is a minister of this or that, as if there is a flag and as if there is an anthem. A lot of as if, but no content. If and when you put people in prison - and the Gaza Strip is one big prison - and the prisoners are poor and lack everything, unemployed and deprived of basic medical care, you will get people with no hope. That creates a seemingly natural feeling of internal violence. They do not know whom to fight, so they fight each other. That is what is called civil war. It is an explosion amid the mental and economic and political pressures."

Are you frightened by the rise of Hamas fundamentalism?

"There is a cultural conflict between the secular side, which believes in multiculturalism and a national homeland, and people who look at Palestine exclusively through the prism of the Islamic heritage. It does not frighten me politically. It is frightening culturally. Their inclination to force their principles on everyone is not comfortable. They believe in one-time democracy, and that only to reach the polling booth and gain power. Therefore they are a catastrophe for democracy. It is anti-democratic democracy. But both sides, Fatah and Hamas, cannot remain severed. At the moment, when the blood is hot and the wounds are bleeding, it is hard to talk about a dialogue, but in the end, if Hamas apologizes for what it did in Gaza and rectifies the results of the campaign in Gaza, it will be possible to talk about dialogue. It is impossible to ignore Hamas as a political force that has supporters in Palestinian society."

So you are again playing into Israel's hands, which profits quite a bit from this situation.

"Israel claimed all along that there was no one to talk to, even when there was someone to talk to. Now they say that it is possible to talk to Mahmoud Abbas, but Abbas was there before Hamas won the elections. What can Abbas do if not one checkpoint has been removed? This is the Israeli policy, which invigorates Palestinian extremism and violence. The Israelis do not want to give anything in return for peace. They do not want to withdraw to the 1967 boundaries, they do not want to talk about the right of return or about the evacuation of settlements, and certainly not about Jerusalem - so what is there to talk about? We are in a deadlock. I do not see an end to this dark tunnel, so long as Israel is unwilling to differentiate between history and legend.

"The Arab states are today ready to recognize Israel and are begging Israel to accept the Arab peace initiative, which speaks of a return to the 1967 boundaries and the establishment of a Palestinian state in return for not only full recognition of Israel but also full normalization of relations. So you tell me who is missing the opportunity. It is always said that the Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. Why is Israel emulating the rejectionism of the Arabs?"

Everything has changed but Israel

Do you think you will live to see any sort of agreement between the two nations?

"I do not despair. I am patient and am waiting for a profound revolution in the consciousness of the Israelis. The Arabs are ready to accept a strong Israel with nuclear arms - all it has to do is open the gates of its fortress and make peace. Stop talking about the prophets and about Rachel's Tomb. This is the 21st century - look what is going on in the world. Everything has changed, apart from the Israeli position, which as I said links history with legend."

The terrible association between land and death is now almost taken for granted by both sides.

"I said that a cultural revolution is needed by the politicians in Israel in order to understand that it is impossible to ask the young people in Israel to wait for the next war. Globalization is affecting the young; they want to travel and live and build a life outside the army. You do not expect me to draw a comparison between the despair of the two sides to the conflict. If despair exists among the Israelis, that is a good sign. Maybe the despair will bring about public pressure on the leadership to create a new situation.

Do you know what the difference is between a general and a poet? The general counts the number of dead among the enemy on the battlefield, whereas the poet counts how many living people died in the battle. There is no enmity between the dead. There is one enemy: death. The metaphor is clear. The dead on both sides are no longer enemies."

Could a situation arise in which you would devote yourself to politics, as Vaclav Havel did, for example?

"Havel may have been a good president but he is not known as an exceptional writer. I write poems far better than I practice politics."

Would you perhaps share with us what you intend to say in the poetry reading event?

"I want to talk about how I went down from the Carmel and how I am now going up and I ask myself why I went down."

Do you regret having left in 1970, when you were part of a Communist youth delegation, went to Egypt and never returned?

"Sometimes time generates wisdom. History has taught me the meaning of irony. I will always ask the question: Do I regret having left in 1970? I have reached the conclusion that the answer is not important. Maybe the question about why I went down from Mount Carmel is more important."

Why did you go down?

"In order to return 37 years later. That is to say that I did not go down from the Carmel in 1970 and I did not return in 2007. It is all metaphor. If I am at this moment in Ramallah and next week I am on the Carmel and remember that I have not been there for almost 40 years, the circle is closed and this whole years-long journey will have been a metaphor. Let us not frighten the readers. I do not intend to realize the right of return."

And if there were a constellation that would enable you to return to the Galilee and Haifa and the family today?

"You were a witness to the powerful emotions when I paid my first visit, in 1996, after an absence of 26 years, and I was supposed to meet with [the late Haifa writer] Emile Habibi as part of a film about his life. I was moved and I also cried and I wanted to stay in Israel. But if you are asking today, I am not ready to exchange my Palestinian ID card for an Israeli one. That would only embarrass me. The relevant criterion today is what I did in those years. I wrote better, I progressed, I developed and I benefited my nation from the literary point of view."

Some people were critical of the timing by which you chose to read your poems this month, in light of the political situation and the Azmi Bishara affair.

"We are alive, and I do not know what is right and what is not. All our time and our timing are out of joint. This is not my first visit. I was here in 1996 and I delivered a eulogy at Habibi's funeral, and I was here in 2000 and read my poems in Nazareth, and I was at an event of a school I attended in Kafr Yasif. I cannot be part of the disputes between one political party and another. I am a guest of the entire Arab public in Israel and I do not differentiate between the Islamic Movement and Hadash and Balad. I am the poet of them all. Nor should I forget that there are many poets who hate me and there is also hatred among those who consider themselves poets. Envy is a human emotion, but when it turns into hatred that is something else. There are those who view me as a literary menace, but I see them as children who must rebel against their spiritual father. They have the right to kill me, but let them kill me at a high level - in a text."

Do you have ties with Jewish Israeli intellectuals?

"I am in touch with the poet Yitzhak Laor and with the historian Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin. I have read less Hebrew in the last 20 years, but I am interested in several Israeli writers."

Doesn't like his poetry being taught

Do you feel flattered by the fact that seven years ago Yossi Sarid, who was then the minister of education, tried to introduce your poems into the literature curriculum, with the result that some right-wing MKs threatened to dissolve the coalition?

"It is of no interest to me whether my poems are made part of the literature curriculum. When there was a no-confidence motion in the government, I asked mockingly where Israeli pride was - how can you agree to topple a government because of a Palestinian poet, when you have other reasons to do so? Nor is it of interest to me whether my poems are taught in Arab schools. I don't really like being on curricula, because students usually hate the literature that is forced on them."

Where is home?

"I have no home. I have moved and changed homes so often that I have no home in the deep sense of the word. Home is where I sleep and read and write, and that can be anywhere. I have lived in more than 20 homes already, and I always left behind medicines and books and clothes. I flee."

In Siham Daoud's archive there are letters, manuscripts and poems that you left behind in 1970.

"I didn't know that I would not return. I thought I would try not to return. It's not that I chose the diaspora freely. For 10 years I was forbidden to leave Haifa, and for three of those years I was under house arrest. I have no special longings for any particular home. After all, a home is not only the objects one has accumulated. A home is a place and a milieu. I have no home.

"Everything looks alike: Ramallah is like Amman and like Paris. Maybe because I was raised on longings, it's not suitable for me to long anymore, and maybe my emotions have gone stale; maybe reason triumphed over emotion and the irony has intensified. I am not the same person."

Is that why you never established a family?

"My friends remind me occasionally that I was married twice, but I do not remember that in the deep sense. I do not regret not having a child. Maybe he would not have turned out well, maybe he would have been coarse. I don't know why I am apprehensive that he would not have turned out well, but I know clearly that I do not regret it."

Then what do you regret?

"That I published poems at an early age, and bad poems. I regret having caused damage with words I spoke to a friend or having been coarse and sharp. Maybe I was not faithful to certain memories, but I committed no crime."

Do you like your loneliness?

"Very much. When I have to attend a dinner, I feel that I am being punished. In recent years I like being alone. I have a need for people when I am in need of them. Tell me, maybe it is selfishness, but I have five to six friends. That is a great many. I have thousands of acquaintances, and that doesn't help."

Among the poems from your childhood that you find it hard to go back to today, do you include the one about mother's coffee?

"I wrote that poem in Ma'asiyahu Prison in 1963-64. I was invited to read poetry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and I was then living in Haifa, and I submitted a request [to travel; this was when Israel's Arab population was subject to martial law], but didn't get a reply. I went by train - does that train still exist? The next day I was summoned to the police station in Nazareth and I was sentenced to a suspended sentence of four months and an additional two months in Ma'asiyahu Prison, and it was there, on a yellow pack of Ascot cigarettes with the picture of the camel on it, that I wrote the poem that Lebanese composer Marcel Khalife turned into an anthem. It is considered my most beautiful poem, and I will read it in Haifa."

Will you visit the village where you were born, Birwa?

"No. Today it is [a kibbutz] called Yas'ur. I prefer to store the memories that still linger of open spaces, fields and watermelons, olive and almond trees. I remember the horse that was tied to the mulberry tree in the yard and how I climbed onto it and was thrown off and got a beating from my mother. She always hit me, because she thought I was a real urchin. I actually don't remember being so mischievous.

"I remember the butterflies and the clear feeling that everything was open. The village stood on a hill and everything was spread out below. One day I was awakened and told that we had to flee. No one said anything about war or danger. We went by foot, I along with my three siblings, to Lebanon, and the youngest was a toddler and never stopped crying the whole way."

Talent lies in one's bottom

Does your writing oblige a regular ritual, or have you become more flexible with the years?

"There are no conditions, but there are habits. I have become used to writing in the morning between 10 and 12. I write by hand. I do not have a computer and I write only at home and I lock the door even if I am alone in the apartment. I do not disconnect phones. I do not write every day, but I force myself to sit at the desk every day. There is inspiration, maybe there is no inspiration, I don't know. I don't believe all that much in inspiration, but if there is, then one should wait in case it comes when I am not available. Sometimes the best ideas come in places that aren't so nice. In the bathroom, maybe on a plane, sometimes on a train. In Arabic we say 'From the pen of...,' but I think one does not write by hand. Talent lies in one's bottom. You have to know how to sit. If you don't know how to sit, you don't write. Discipline is called for."

Why do I have the feeling that you don't sleep well?

"I sleep nine hours a night and never have insomnia. I can sleep whenever I want. People say I am spoiled. Where did they say that about me? In the Hebrew press. You say I am considered some sort of prince. A prince is elevated above the people. That is not the case. Nor is it true that I am patronizing. I am shy, and some people construe that as patronizing."

Does the fact that you touched death at least once in your life make you fear old age and the body's betrayal?

"I encountered death twice, once in 1984 and once in 1998, when I was clinically dead and preparations were already being made for my funeral. In 1984, I had a heart attack in Vienna. That was a deep, easy sleep on a white cloud with clear light. I did not think it was death. I floated and cruised until I felt a powerful pain, and the pain was the signal that I had been returned to life. I was told that I was dead for two minutes.

"In 1998, death was aggressive and violent. It was not a pleasant sleep. I had terrible nightmares. It was not death, it was a painful war. Death itself does not hurt."

What is your attitude toward death now?

"I am ready for it. I am not waiting for it. I do not like waiting. I have a love poem about the suffering of anticipation. She, the beloved, was late and did not arrive, I said perhaps she went to a place where there is sun. Maybe she went shopping. Maybe she looked in the mirror and fell very much in love with herself and said, It's a pity for someone else to touch me, I am mine. Maybe she had an accident and is now in the hospital. Maybe she called in the morning when I wasn't there because I had gone to buy flowers and a bottle of wine. Maybe she died, because death is like me, doesn't like to wait. I do not like to wait. Death does not like to wait, either.

"I made an agreement with death and made it clear that I am not available for him just yet. I still have things to write, I still have things to do. There is much work and there are wars everywhere, and you, death, have nothing to do with the poetry I write. It's none of your business. But let's set up a meeting. Tell me ahead of time. I will prepare, I will dress up and we will meet in a cafe on the seashore and drink a glass of wine and then you will take me."

And in life?

"I am not afraid and I am not preoccupied with death. I am ready to accept it when it comes, but let it be brave and knightly, and we will end it all with one blow. Not by methods such as cancer or heart disease or AIDS. Let it not come like a thief. Let it take me in a swoop."

What makes you a bit happy?

"There is a saying in French that if after the age of 50 you get up without feeling a pain somewhere, you are dead. I am happy to get up every morning. In the broader sense I think that happiness is a not-so- realistic invention. Happiness is a moment. Happiness is a butterfly. I feel happy when I complete a work."

One gets the feeling that you are more conciliatory than ever.

"This may sound coarse, but that is the aesthetics of despair. I have no illusions. I do not look forward to many things. So if something works out, that is great happiness. There is also humor alongside the despair. I am an 'opsimist' [referring to a play of that name by Emile Habibi]."

Do you miss Habibi?

"The place would be fuller if Emile Habibi were present. He was a force of nature. He had laughter and he had a special humor and I think he fought against despair by means of humor. He was vanquished in the end. We will all be vanquished, including the victors. One has to know how to behave at the moment of victory and how to behave at the moment of defeat. A society that does not know what defeat is will not become mature."

Not long ago you completed a new book, a personal journal, a fusion of prose and poetry. Do you actually like yourself?

"Absolutely not. When young poets come to me, and if and when I am capable of giving them advice, I tell them, 'A poet who sits down to write and does not feel like a total cipher will not develop and will not gain recognition.' I feel I have not done anything. That is what pushes me to improve my writing and style and imagery. I feel that I am a cipher, and that means I love myself very much. I have a friend who knows that I can't bear to watch myself appear on television. He told me that this is reverse narcissism. That's what that bastard told me." W

Timeline required for Palestinian state — His Majesty King Abdullah addresses a meeting at Canada’s Foreign Ministry


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Timeline required for Palestinian state — King

His Majesty King Abdullah addresses a meeting at Canada’s Foreign Ministry (Photo by Yousef Allan)


Following is the full text of His Majesty King Abdullah’s remarks at the Canadian Foreign Ministry’s Lester B. Pearson Building in Ottawa on Friday:

Bismillah Al Rahman Al Rahim

Mr Prime Minister,

distinguished guests,

my friends,

Thank you for your warm welcome. It is an honour to be with you today. I am very aware, in this building named for the late Lester Pearson, of Canada’s long and distinguished role as a leader in global affairs and, especially, your many contributions to the future of the Middle East. Jordan’s partnership with Canada was close to the heart of my father, King Hussein, and it remains vital to all of us today. On behalf of my fellow Jordanians, I thank you all.

My friends,

When Canada’s Lester Pearson received the Nobel Peace Prize, he described the challenge facing our world not only as how to bring about a creative peace, but also, how to create a foundation for lasting security. And he understood, in a deep way, that the path forward must include an international community that comes together in consensus and mutual respect.

That was fifty years ago. Today, we are still facing the challenge of peace, security, and global respect. And it is clearer than ever that how we succeed still depends on our ability to come together, understand our shared interests and act as one.

The fact is that in the 21st century world, we share an economic and political destiny, just as much as we share the future of earth’s air and water. And in just the same way, we have a tremendous shared responsibility to work together to preserve what we value and shape the future we want: A future in which our people are safe, economic life can thrive, the heritage we treasure can be passed to our children, and where inclusive, modern, civil societies can flourish all over the globe.

In the case of Canada and Jordan, this shared vision has been the basis of an enduring partnership. Our countries have worked together to promote human security through global policy institutions and on-the-ground activities like mine removal, training Iraqi civil defence forces and much else. We share a commitment to global economic opportunity, especially for the world’s youth. And over many decades, we have been working together in the cause of peace.

One of the most important areas for our shared concern and cooperation is, without a doubt, the Middle East. It is an area where Canada has had a profound impact and, I believe, a vital position of continuing influence and respect. The very name of Ottawa is linked to some of the most pressing global issues — the Ottawa Convention against landmines and of course, the Ottawa Process to bring justice for Palestinian refugees. Where there is division, Canada’s great tradition of pluralism has helped translate across the divides. And where there are seeds of hope, your leadership has helped progress grow.

Today, I come to ask Canada, our friend, to help shape a future of peace and opportunity in the Middle East. It is a challenge, I know, to think about the future at a time of crisis. But at no time is it more necessary.

There have now been 40 years of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land — more than two generations raised in violence and frustration. The last meaningful political process between Palestinians and Israelis was so long ago that there are children in school today who were not even born then. And the potential division of the Palestinian people threatens peace prospects every single day.

These dangers are reality, but not the entire reality. Behind the headlines, millions of people on both sides need and want an end to conflict. Millions of Palestinians are united in their dream of a sovereign, independent Palestinian state. Millions of Israelis look to the day they can live in peace with their neighbours.

This is the seed of a future we must nourish. What happens on the ground in the next days and weeks is obviously critical, but the parties do not act in isolation. The international community can and must help shape the strategic direction of events. It begins by keeping the focus on the central objective. And that is a final settlement, which can stop an expansion of violence and clear the way to thriving, stable, civic life.

Arab leaders have worked intensively to move such a process forward. This March, our countries unanimously renewed the Arab Peace Initiative. It is a historic opportunity for a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement — one that brings an end to conflict, one that provides collective security guarantees for all the countries of the region including Israel, and at long last, one that provides a sovereign, viable and independent Palestine.

My friends,

This is an initiative whose time has come — a time in which we can envision, and create, a new future for my region. To meet that need, our aim must be a political process with a clear direction and outcomes. There must be a timetable that plans for, and sees to the finish line, the establishment of a Palestinian state. And it must expedite Israel’s implementation of required action, including a withdrawal from the Palestinian territories and an end to occupation.

But for all this to happen, the larger international community must be engaged. An urgent first step is support for the Palestinian National Authority, especially in its efforts to alleviate suffering and strengthen national institutions. Palestinian legitimacy must be supported in providing the governance that can fulfill people’s aspirations and needs, earn public confidence and preserve Palestinian unity.

My friends,

Achieving peace is only the beginning. Peace can only be sustained if the people of our region have the opportunity to lead a productive and satisfying life. For that to be possible, the economies of our region must maximise their potential. There are opportunities for investment in infrastructure, for participation in a growing private sector and for developing markets. In Jordan, men, women and youth are all engaged in national advances. The result is a well-defined strategy for development and reform.

Nothing is more important to the future. In my region, out of a total population of 325 million people, more than 60 per cent are 24 or younger. That represents nearly 200 million young people who need and deserve a chance for a productive and rewarding life.

These young men and women of today are truly the crossroads generation. This is a generation who can choose to respect others and reach out in cooperation, who can enrich the future with their talent, creativity and energy, and who can develop our regional economy into a strong global entity. To share in the promise of the 21st century, they need your support.

My friends,

Your great country has long been admired for its deep commitment to global fairness and justice. That leadership has never been needed more than now.

There is no doubt that the situation today is difficult. But we cannot let this stop us from acting. We must be ready to make bold decisions and decisive steps.

I ask Canada, our friend, to help. I ask you to help guide the path of peace in a region that has seen too much conflict, to open the door to prosperity for millions whose potential is yet unmet, and to welcome as a global partner, a region seeking its rightful place in the progress of our world.

Working together, we can achieve what the Middle East needs and the world needs: A future of security for this generation and the generations to come.

Thank you very much.

Sunday, July 15, 2007

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Palestinians gather in front of the gate at the Rafah crossing border during a protest against the closure of the border in the southern Gaza strip July 14, 2007. REUTERS/Ibraheem Abu Mustafa (GAZA)

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Palestinians enjoy themselves at the beach in Gaza City, Friday July 13, 2007. Hundreds of Gazans flocked to the beach on Friday, the traditional day of rest in the Muslim world. (AP Photo/Hatem Moussa)

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Palestinian women hold their children surrounded by their luggage in the courtyard of their host, Egyptian Bedouin in the frontier town of Rafah, Egypt, Friday, July 13, 2007. Sleeping in the sand and running out of money, thousands of Palestinians have been stranded in Egypt's desert for more than a month since the border with Hamas-controlled Gaza has been closed. (AP Photo/ Asmaa Waguih)

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Palestinians gather in front of the gate at the Rafah crossing border during a protest against the closure of the border in the southern Gaza strip July 14, 2007. REUTERS/Ibraheem Abu Mustafa (GAZA)

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Palestinian Gamil Abu Moammar sits in the desert sand in a ramshackle reed shelter hosted by Egyptian Bedouin in their courtyard at the frontier town of Rafah, Egypt, Friday, July 13, 2007. Sleeping in the sand and running out of money, thousands of Palestinians have been stranded in Egypt's desert for more than a month since the border with Hamas-controlled Gaza has been closed. (AP Photo/ Asmaa Waguih)

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Palestinian child, Mazen Abu Moammar, 6, sits in the sand with his family who are hosted by Egyptian Bedouin in a ramshackle reed shelter in their home courtyard at the frontier town of Rafah, Egypt, Friday, July 13, 2007. Sleeping in the sand and running out of money, thousands of Palestinians have been stranded in Egypt's desert for more than a month since the border with Hamas-controlled Gaza has been closed. (AP Photo/ Asmaa Waguih)

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Dr. Saber Ibrahim from the Egyptian Physicians Syndicate's Human Relief Agency, examines a Palestinian child hosted by Egyptian Bedouins in their home courtyard in frontier town of Rafah, Egypt, Friday, July 13, 2007. Sleeping in the sand and running out of money, thousands of Palestinians have been stranded in Egypt's desert for more than a month since the border with Hamas-controlled Gaza has been closed. (AP Photo/ Asmaa Waguih)

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Children of Hamas-appointed employees attend a protest to demand their fathers' salaries from Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in Gaza July 12, 2007. Over 10,000 Palestinian Hamas-appointed employees were not included in the payroll of Abbas' emergency government last month, a Palestinian official said. REUTERS/Suhaib Salem (GAZA)

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A Palestinian boy jumps in the air for a high kick while playing soccer with his friends in a school yard in Al Amari refugee camp in the West Bank city of Ramallah, Thursday, July 12, 2007. (AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen)

Photo
Blindfolded Palestinians, detained during an operation in al-Bureij refugee camp in Gaza, sit in a military base just outside the Gaza Strip July 12, 2007. (Amir Cohen/Reuters)


Photo
Farmers inspect remains of a Katyusha rocket in their field in Akar village in north Lebanon July 13, 2007. Islamist militants fired Katyusha rockets at Lebanese villages on Friday in a further escalation of their 8-week-old battle with the army at a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanon. REUTERS/Stringer (LEBANON)

Photo
Smoke billows from the bombarded Nahr al-Bared refugee camp during Lebanese army shelling, in north Lebanon July 13, 2007. Islamist militants fired Katyusha rockets at Lebanese villages on Friday in a further escalation of their 8-week-old battle with the army at a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanon. REUTERS/Stringer (LEBANON)

Photo
Smoke rises from the besieged the Palestinian Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon, 12 July 2007. Lebanese gunners and tanks blasted positions of rocket-firing Islamists in heavy clashes around the camp, as the army's death toll neared 100 almost eight weeks into a bloody showdown.(AFP/Joseph Barrak)

Photo
Lebanese boys stand on an Israeli field artillery piece in the southern village of Khiam known for the notorious Khiam prison, formerly run by Israel's Lebanese militia allies during its occupation and later was destroyed during the 34-day Israel-Hezbollah fighting last summer, Lebanon Friday, July 13, 2007. Lebanon this week marked the first anniversary of last summer's devastating war between Israel and Hezbollah guerrillas amid sectarian and political tensions that threaten to tear the country apart. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari)

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Demonstrators run for cover next to burning bushes during a protest against Israel's controversial barrier near the West Bank village of Bilin, July 13, 2007. REUTERS/Oleg Popov (WEST BANK)

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Israeli soldiers shoot rubber bullets at demonstrators during a protest against Israel's controversial barrier near the West Bank village of Bilin, July 13, 2007. REUTERS/Oleg Popov (WEST BANK)

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Palestinian, Israeli and foreign demonstrators scuffle with Israeli soldiers during a protest against the construction of Israel's controversial barrier near the West Bank village of Umm Salamouna, south of Bethlehem July 13, 2007. The United States issued a fresh travel warning for Israel and the Palestinian territories on Friday to include American journalists and aid workers after a spate of violence and political instability. (Nayef Hashlamoun/Reuters)

Photo
Palestinian, Israeli and foreign demonstrators scuffle with Israeli soldiers during a protest against the construction of Israel's controversial barrier near the West Bank village of Umm Salamouna, south of Bethlehem July 13, 2007. REUTERS/Nayef Hashlamoun (WEST BANK)

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Protest by the barrier : A demonstrator waves a Palestinian flag during a protest against Israel's controversial barrier near the West Bank village of Bilin.(AFP/Abbas Momani)

Photo
Hussein Marji displays to journalists Israeli munitions in his house in Blida village in south Lebanon July 12, 2007. Marji collects Israeli unexploded shells, missiles and cluster bombs in a room in his house, that were dropped during last year's war between Israel and Lebanon's Hezbollah. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho (LEBANON)

Photo
The three daughters of Zeinab Zaraeit looks on from their tent in Markaba village in southern Lebanon, July 12, 2007. Zaraeit family lives in a tent next to their demolished house as a result of an Israeli attack during last year's conflict with Lebanon's Hezbollah. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho (LEBANON)

Photo
Ibrahim Zaraeit feeds birds a slice of watermelon as his younger sisters (R) watch, in Markaba village in southern Lebanon, July 12, 2007. Ibrahim lives with his family in a tent next to their demolished house as a result of an Israeli attack during last year's conflict with Lebanon's Hezbollah. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho (LEBANON)

Photo
Lebanese-Australian child, Jennisar Chidiac, bids farewell to a relative while he takes a picture after being loaded to a bus during her evacuation from Lebanon in this July 22, 2006 file photo. A year after the outbreak of war between Israel and Hezbollah guerrillas in Lebanon, both countries have failed to act on war crimes committed during a month of fighting, two human rights groups said on July 12, 2007. REUTERS/Jamal Saidi (LEBANON)

West Bank town unites among Palestinian divisions...& more from IMEU

IMEU Logo
PALESTINE IN PHOTOS
Palestinian children play in the sand on the beach in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip. (Maan Images)

West Bank town unites among Palestinian divisions
Reuters, Jul 14, 2007

The head of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics walks near the separation wall in Qalqilia. (Khaleel Reash, Maan Images)
The head of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics walks near the separation wall in Qalqilia. (Khaleel Reash, Maan Images)
Life is booming in one hilltop West Bank town despite a year of crippling Western sanctions against a Hamas-led government and recent bloodshed elsewhere between rival Palestinian factions.

In Shyoukh, north of the city of Hebron and home to some 10,000 people, construction projects that include roads, schools and the town's main mosque have been expanded, mainly because of funding from wealthy residents.

Most members of the town council and the majority of its voters support the Islamist group Hamas, which took over the Gaza Strip last month by force after weeks of fighting against forces loyal to secular President Mahmoud Abbas.

Despite tensions that have risen since then, many of the residents funding the new construction belong to Fatah, Hamas's political foe.


Related stories






"We are one family and no one can touch the unity of the people, no matter how different we are politically," said Yasin Ewaidat, a Fatah leader.

"When people pay their dues, they are not supporting Fatah or Hamas. They are respecting themselves."

The United States and other world powers stopped aid to the Palestinian Authority after Hamas, which advocates violence against Israel, beat Fatah in a January 2006 parliamentary election.

A majority in Shyoukh voted for Hamas, though the Islamists' main power base is in the smaller Gaza Strip.

The aid embargo crippled most Palestinian areas. Israel and Western nations restored financial flows to the West Bank after Hamas's takeover of Gaza on June 14 left Fatah in control of the larger territory.
To read the full article please visit Yahoo! News.


Munir Nayfeh: Professor and researcher
IMEU

'Mowing grass' in Nablus
Gideon Levy, Haaretz

Jewelry in Ramallah
This Week in Palestine

FROM THE MEDIA
Reality check on Palestinian elections
Nadia Hijab and Diana Buttu, Institute for Palestine Studies (Jul 14, 2007)

Abdullah warns Mideast conflict breeds more violence, extremism
The Jordan Times (Jul 14, 2007)

Israel to 'pardon' wanted West Bank Fatah men
Ali Waked, Ynet News (Jul 14, 2007)

Israeli army takes over Gaza airport
Maan News (Jul 14, 2007)

New Palestinian cabinet lineup
Middle East Times (Jul 14, 2007)

Abbas names caretaker government
Al Jazeera (Jul 13, 2007)

Palestinian man killed at northern West Bank checkpoint
Maan News (Jul 13, 2007)

Fayyad draws up plan to bolster PA's economy, security
Haaretz (Jul 13, 2007)


FAQ on the Gaza crisis
IMEU


FAQ on the 1967 war
IMEU


A nation occupied
IMEU

NYTmes Book Review 7-15-7 Peace for Land. DAVID MARGOLICK's review of Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East By Tom Segev

"Hopes that Palestinians would flee en masse, as they had in 1948 (the Israelis even had buses conveniently available to them in East Jerusalem), never materialized. Menachem Begin proposed dumping the Gazan refugees in Egypt. Other schemes had them going to Iraq (just what the Iraqis needed: another faction) or Latin America. More realistic was a plan to move 250,000 refugees from Gaza to the West Bank. But it never happened; the settlements soon popping up throughout the West Bank housed Jews instead."

RE: Peace for Land. DAVID MARGOLICK's review of Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East By Tom Segev http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/15/books/review/Margolick-t.html?ref=world

Dear Editor,

As time goes on I suspect all reviews of Israel itself will become more and more bleak, and perhaps even more and more brief as we become less fascinated by the many hyped up Zionist 'heroes' who have been dominating every scene: There is only shame and sin in perpetrating Israeli perspectives as millions of Palestinians suffer and starve.

A more telling approach to the subject of Israeli invasion and occupation is a beautifully written book by a Palestinian American, Ibtisam Barakat tittled "Tasting the Sky, A Palestinian Childhood". She remembers Israeli soldiers setting up cardboard people not far from her home, and firing at them for hours.

And she speaks of Alef, the first letter of the Arabic alphabet...Throughout the book gently, poetically she brings alive memories of Palestinian life on a personal level, which includes her fascination for letters and words- Arabic letters and words. She opens up a whole world which we need to know and understand:

"Rasa'el Shawq (Letters of Longing) was the program Mother listened to most faithfully. It aired the voices of Palestinian refugees who could not return home after the war of 1948 or the Six-Day War. They revealed the shreds of their lives and hoped that relatives, or anyone who knew them, would hear the news and pass it on..." (page 116 Tasting the Sky)

FYI: Signed and ratified by Israel
The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [Article 5 (d)(ii)], states: "State parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination on all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, color, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of ... the right to leave any country, including one's own, and to return to one's country."

Sincerely,
Anne Selden Annab

NOTES

http://www.holtzbrinckpublishers.com/FSGBYR/search/SearchBookDisplay.asp?BookKey=3880474

Tasting the Sky
A Palestinian Childhood
Ibtisam Barakat

Tasting the Sky
Farrar, Straus and Giroux (BYR)
192 pages
Size: 5 1/2 x 8 1/4
Map; Historical note, To learn more
$16.00
Hardcover
Young Adult Nonfiction
Age: 12 up
Grade: 7 up

Melanie Kroupa Books
Pub Date: 02/2007
ISBN: 0-374-35733-1

Additional Information Header
Excerpt of book Link
Audio Resource Link

Additional Information Header
Booklist, American Library Association, Starred Review
Booklist Top 10 Biographies for Youth
Kirkus Reviews, Starred Review
Publishers Weekly
School Library Journal, Starred Review
VOYA (Voice of Youth Advocates)


“When a war ends it does not go away,” my mother says.“It hides inside us . . . Just forget!”
But I do not want to do what Mother says . . . I want to remember.

In this groundbreaking memoir set in Ramallah during the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War, Ibtisam Barakat captures what it is like to be a child whose world is shattered by war. With candor and courage, she stitches together memories of her childhood: fear and confusion as bombs explode near her home and she is separated from her family; the harshness of
life as a Palestinian refugee; her unexpected joy when she discovers Alef, the first letter of the Arabic alphabet. This is the beginning of her passionate connection to words, and as language becomes her refuge, allowing her to piece together the fragments of her world, it becomes her true home.

Transcending the particulars of politics, this illuminating and timely book provides a telling glimpse into a little-known culture that has become an increasingly important part of the puzzle of world peace.


Quotes Header
"A spare elegant memoir . . . What makes [it] so compelling is the immediacy of the child's viewpoint, which depicts both conflict and daily life without exploitation or sentimentality. There's much to talk about here." --Starred, Booklist
"Beautifully crafted. Readers will be charmed by the writer-to-be as she falls in love with chalk, the Arabic alphabet, and the first-grade teacher who recognizes her abilities."--Starred, School Library Journal
"A compassionate, insightful family and cultural portrait." --Starred, Kirkus Reviews
“Brims with tension and emotion.” --Publishers Weekly
"Barakat strives to depict vivid details of everyday life . . . Well worth purchasing to provide a viewpoint not often available to young adults in the United States."--VOYA
“This is an astonishingly beautiful and heartbreaking book. The resurrected memories of a gifted girl growing up under the crush of war and occupation gave me hope: that if we read carefully, with open hearts, the world just might begin to change.”
—Suzanne Fisher Staples, author of Under the Persimmon Tree

“Ibtisam Barakat is not only a luminous writer and thinker, she is a wondrous healer, too. In this exquisite, tender account of her Palestinian childhood, nothing is missing—love, attachment, struggle, fear, humor, resilience. The child in this story carries more wisdom and a keener sense of justice and injustice than do most people in seats of power. Tasting the Sky should be read by everyone with a humane interest in the story of Palestine.”
—Naomi Shihab Nye, author of Habibi


“This is a poignant, eloquent testament of a war-torn childhood, a story we in the United States have only glimpsed before now. This generous author has truly opened her heart for all to see.”
—Jennifer Armstrong, author of The American Story: 100 True Tales from American History


“In vivid, beautiful prose, Ibtisam Barakat transports readers into a place few Westerners have ever seen—the interior life of a young girl and her family in the occupied West Bank. This book, appropriate for readers young and old, holds literature’s great power: the power to humanize the ‘other,’ and to therefore change the way we understand our world.”
—Sandy Tolan, author of The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East
"An extremely compelling memoir about a young Palestinian girl who lived through the Six Day War in the Middle East . . . interesting [and] heartwarming."
A YALSA YA Galley Teen Reader
"This book is very eye opening -- it tells the side of the story that you never learn about in history class and in the news, and it is really well written."
A YALSA YA Galley Teen Reader


Author Biography Header
IBTISAM BARAKAT is a poet and educator who has worked with organizations such as the United Nations to facilitate a dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis. This is her first book. She currently lives in Columbia, Missouri.


Friday, July 13, 2007

BBC News Refugee crisis threatens Lebanon

"We've been told they want to redesign the camp like a normal town. No! We want it restored as it was, with all the marks of a refugee camp, so we do not lose touch with our cause."

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/6896932.stm
BBC News Refugee crisis threatens Lebanon
Martin Asser has returned to Lebanon, a year after covering the war between Hezbollah and Israel for the BBC News website. His series of articles examines how the country has fared since that conflict.

In his fourth report, he looks at the Palestinian refugee camp crisis....[more]


Girl at school
Some 30,000 refugees have fled the fighting at Nahr al-Bared camp

The Missing

The Missing

Fri Jul 13, 2007 at 04:30:12 AM PDT

At any point in time, it’s important not just to know that peace is missing, but why it’s missing. And that changes over time, and is always somewhat different depending on whether you are talking about political/governmental peace or person-to-person/societal peace. Although the former type is what we spend far too much time talking about, it is the latter that really counts, in my mind.

And that peace, the peace between people, is missing because, when you are in Israel, the Palestinians are missing. Almost entirely.

And when you’re in Palestine (Eastern Palestine, anyway), although Israel is everywhere – in the form of Jewish-only settlements, Jewish-only roads, the Army, the Air Force and the Wall — and although Israeli soldiers and settlers are all around, the Israeli people with whom the Palestinians must make peace are also missing.

And as I experienced recently, nowhere is this more evident than in Hebron....[more]

http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2007/7/13/73012/8115

NOTES


Weekly Report on Israeli human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory 05 - 11 Jul 2007



FACTSHEET The Right To Return, a Basic Right Still Denied
http://www.al-awdasandiego.org/facts.html

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide.html

Universal Declaration of Human Rights
http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html

"The humanitarian aid and assistance that UNRWA provides to the Palestine refugees can never be enough. But it will be required as long as the issues of statelessness, prolonged military occupation, economic marginalization and vulnerability characteristic of the Palestinian refugee crisis are not addressed." http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/publ/opendoc.htm?tbl=PUBL&id=4444d3c92f


Al Nakba 1948


The largest planned
ethnic cleansing operation
in modern history

  • 530 depopulated towns and villages
  • 85% of the Palestinians in the land that became Israel are refugees today
  • Their land is 92% of Israel’s area

& more on the Palestinian Refugees....
http://www.fmreview.org/palestine.htm
http://www.palestineremembered.com/Acre/Right-Of-Return/
http://imeu.net/news/background-briefings.shtml
http://www.un.org/unrwa/index.html
http://www.badil.org/index.html
http://www.miftah.org/Display.cfm?DocId=10241&CategoryId=4
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2004/687/region_ror.htm
http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/israel-palestine/returnindex.htm
http://www.ifamericansknew.org/
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/israel/return/
http://electronicintifada.net/bytopic/refugees.shtml

World Bank: Gaza may face 'irreversible' collapse...& more from IMEU

IMEU Logo
PALESTINE IN PHOTOS
A Palestinian farmer harvests his eggplant crops in a greenhouse in the northern West Bank city of Qalqilia. (Khaleel Reash, Maan Images)

FROM THE MEDIA
West Bank town united among Palestinian divisions
Reuters (Jul 13, 2007)

Palestinian man killed at northern West Bank checkpoint
Maan News (Jul 13, 2007)

Fayyad draws up plan to bolster PA's economy, security
Haaretz (Jul 13, 2007)

World Bank: Gaza may face 'irreversible' collapse
Reuters (Jul 12, 2007)

Israel denies medical treatment for Palestinians
IMEMC (Jul 12, 2007)

Economists warn new crossing heralds end of West Bank economy
Maan News (Jul 12, 2007)

Fantasy of hermetic closure
Ali Abunimah, Journal of Palestine Studies (Jul 12, 2007)

Amnesty seeks UN probe on Lebanon
BBC (Jul 12, 2007)

'Mowing grass' in Nablus
Gideon Levy, Haaretz

No man's land again
Serene Assir, Al-Ahram Weekly

Jewelry in Ramallah
This Week in Palestine

Cross-border crisis
Serene Assir, Al-Ahram Weekly, Jul 13, 2007

This article was originally published by Al-Ahram Weekly and is republished with permission.

Palestinians stand behind a gate near the Rafah border crossing, which has been closed for the past four weeks. (Hatem Omar, Maan Images)
Palestinians stand behind a gate near the Rafah border crossing, which has been closed for the past four weeks. (Hatem Omar, Maan Images)
The Rafah crossing on the Egypt-Gaza border remains closed for the fourth week in a row, leaving the Gaza Strip's 1.3 million inhabitants effectively cut off from the rest of the world. According to the Egyptian government, the closure has left up to 5,000 Palestinians stranded on the Egyptian side of the border, including Palestinian students at Egyptian universities, those injured during inter-Palestinian clashes and Israeli raids, as well as visitors from other Arab countries seeking to return home.

Over the past week, negotiations have been ongoing to resolve the crisis. Israel, with the support of Fatah's emergency government, is pushing for the Israeli-Egyptian controlled Kerem Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom in Hebrew) crossing to be used instead of Rafah, which is under nominal Palestinian-Egyptian control.

Pro-US Fatah officials say the plan is to use the Israeli-controlled terminal in order to put an end to the plight of those trapped on the border, and then return to using the Rafah crossing. Ousted Hamas premier Ismail Haniyeh opposes such a move, fearing it will create a precedent and that control over exit and entry into Gaza will return to Israel's hands. "The border must remain Palestinian- Egyptian only," he told reporters.

As if to confirm his suspicions, reports are rife that EU monitors, who under a US- brokered 2005 agreement are charged with overseeing traffic to and from Gaza, have already left the area.

Israel appeared determined to press ahead with its plans to funnel traffic exclusively through the Kerem Abu Salem border crossing despite opposition from Hamas until explosions, apparently caused by 11 mortar shells fired by Palestinians, rocked the crossing on 10 July. Otherwise, the Kerem Abu Salem terminal, unlike Rafah, has functioned, albeit sporadically, throughout the closure, with goods moving from Egypt into Gaza, though only to a limited degree and with Israeli permission.


Related stories






Meanwhile, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been involved in negotiations with the Israelis over the repatriation of 32 patients at the Red Crescent-run Palestine Hospital in Cairo who are waiting to return home. "The Israelis say they have no issue with their repatriation," said Ziad Abu Laban, ICRC's regional coordinator for humanitarian law. "However, they stipulate that re-entry be made via Kerem Abu Salem, which they directly control."

Palestinians stranded in Rafah and Arish are becoming increasingly frustrated with the seemingly endless nature of their plight. "On the one hand, we know that if we accept Israel's conditions and re-enter via Kerem Abu Salem, then we will effectively be ceding our right to the little sovereignty we claim," said Bushra Abu Subeih, a teacher at an UNRWA school in Gaza who has been stranded in Rafah for 39 days. "But if we refuse, then who knows when we will return home. That's Israeli policy for you. The whole world wants us to kneel to the Jews. We have refused so far, but you can see for yourself how hard they try."

Egypt, inevitably, is enmeshed in the crisis. The Egyptian government's support of Fatah could not be more clear given that it is hosting up to 500 Fatah operatives who fled Gaza during last month's clashes with Hamas. They are staying as guests at an Egyptian Central Security Forces camp in Rafah.

"Of course it is in Egypt's interest for the crisis to end as quickly as possible," Mohamed Shaker, vice-chairman of the Egyptian Council of Foreign Relations, told Al-Ahram Weekly. Indeed, the official line in Cairo is that agreement should be fostered as soon as possible in order to allow stranded Palestinians to return home.

In recent weeks Egypt has come under growing pressure to improve security along its border with Gaza, an issue that came to a head when the US House of Representatives voted to make $200 million of US military aid to Egypt conditional on such improvement. But initial proposals to tighten security by increasing Egypt's security presence at the border contravene protocol as well as key articles in Egypt's 1979 peace treaty with Israel, which strictly defines the number and type of Egyptian security presence at the border. Any increase would require new negotiations.

"If either party feels there is a need to change part of the treaty then the option of reviewing it must not be ruled out," said Shaker. "Of course, the needs of all parties involved must be taken into account, and any review process will take time."

As long as Israeli anger over Hamas's control of Gaza grows it is unlikely that there will be any de-escalation of the current crisis. And with the likelihood of Israeli incursions into Gaza growing, Egyptian authorities are bracing themselves for an increase in the number of refugees. The government has already earmarked land in Arish as the site for a possible camp should a new influx of Palestinians arrive, one highly-placed humanitarian source told the Weekly on condition of anonymity.

Those besieged in Gaza are deeply aware of the indignity of the situation into which they have been forced. "In 1948, we were forced to live in tents," says Mohamed Dahman, a veteran Palestinian journalist living in Gaza. "In 1967, it was the same. Mark my words, a new refugee crisis is in the offing."

Thursday, July 12, 2007

"The Olive Tree" by Ismail Shammout (1930-2006): Artist, Activist, Legend

Iran's Jews reject cash offer to move to Israel

Iran's Jews reject cash offer to move to Israel

· Expats offer families £30,000 to emigrate
· Our identity is not for sale, say community leaders


Robert Tait in Tehran
Friday July 13, 2007
The Guardian


Iran's Jews have given the country a loyalty pledge in the face of cash offers aimed at encouraging them to move to Israel, the arch-enemy of its Islamic rulers.

The incentives - ranging from £5,000 a person to £30,000 for families - were offered from a special fund established by wealthy expatriate Jews in an effort to prompt a mass migration to Israel from among Iran's 25,000-strong Jewish community. The offers were made with Israel's official blessing and were additional to the usual state packages it provides to Jews emigrating from the diaspora.

However, the Society of Iranian Jews dismissed them as "immature political enticements" and said their national identity was not for sale.

"The identity of Iranian Jews is not tradeable for any amount of money," the society said in a statement. "Iranian Jews are among the most ancient Iranians. Iran's Jews love their Iranian identity and their culture, so threats and this immature political enticement will not achieve their aim of wiping out the identity of Iranian Jews."...[more]